Monday, October 27, 2025

A Rebuttal to GDC Leader Mamma Kandeh’s Baseless Claims on the 2021 Election


By Yaya Dampha, NPP Diaspora Coordinator
October 27, 2025 | Banjul, The Gambia

Once again, the GDC leader, Mamma Kandeh, has resurfaced with tired and baseless allegations that the 2021 presidential election was rigged. These claims are not only false but also a desperate attempt to mislead the Gambian people and distort a democratic process that was declared free, fair, and transparent by every credible observer — both local and international.
1. Lies About Voter Registration
Mr. Kandeh’s claim that the National People’s Party (NPP) continued to register voters after the official closure of the registration exercise is nothing short of fiction.
Let it be made abundantly clear: the NPP does not, and cannot, conduct voter registration.
In The Gambia, the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) — not any political party — is the only institution legally mandated to register voters. The registration exercise was conducted publicly, nationwide, and monitored by agents of all political parties, including the GDC.

If Kandeh truly believed voter registration continued beyond the official period, he should be able to answer simple questions:
Where did this so-called registration take place?
Who conducted it?
Why did he and his party remain silent throughout the process and only began complaining after losing the election?
The truth is clear: no illegal registration ever took place. Kandeh’s story is a fabrication designed to mislead the public and gain sympathy.
2. The Gambian Election Process Is Transparent and Verifiable

The Gambian electoral system is one of the most transparent in Africa. From voter registration to vote counting, every stage is conducted in public view and under strict scrutiny.
Party agents, local observers, and international monitors were present in every polling station. Votes were cast in transparent ballot drums, counted on the spot before everyone, and results were publicly announced and recorded at each polling station before transmission to regional centers.
Every political party — including the GDC — signed the official result sheets. If Mamma Kandeh truly believed there was manipulation, he should present evidence, not hollow political rhetoric.
3. Observer Reports Confirmed the Election’s Credibility
The 2021 presidential election was widely recognized as credible, peaceful, and transparent.
The European Union Election Observation Mission (EU-EOM) described the process as “peaceful, transparent, and professionally managed.”
ECOWAS and the African Union both affirmed that the elections “reflected the will of the Gambian people.”
The Gambia Civil Society Coalition on Elections reported no irregularities significant enough to affect the final outcome

These respected institutions are independent. Their findings expose Kandeh’s claims as baseless political propaganda.

4. We Understand Mamma Kandeh’s Frustration

We at the NPP understand Mamma Kandeh’s frustration. It is no secret that his party is facing an internal collapse, with members and supporters abandoning him in large numbers to join the NPP — including elected Members of Parliament and councillors.
It is not easy for him politically, and this frustration is now showing through his reckless accusations and attempts to discredit the IEC and the democratic process that he once participated in fully.
Instead of attacking the system, Mr. Kandeh should look inward and ask himself why Gambians — including his own loyalists — continue to reject his leadership and embrace the vision of progress and stability under the NPP.
5. Respect the Will of the Gambian People
The Gambian people made their choice in December 2021. Their votes were counted transparently, and their voices were heard. The IEC performed its duties with professionalism, and the results were endorsed by both domestic and international observers.
Mr. Kandeh should stop insulting the intelligence of Gambians with falsehoods. The people deserve truth, honesty, and leadership, not politics of bitterness and deception.
The NPP will continue to defend democracy, uphold transparency, and focus on development — while others waste their time spreading lies.
The Gambia has moved forward, and no amount of revisionism will turn the clock back.
Signed:
Yaya Dampha
NPP Diaspora Coordinator
National People’s Party (NPP)


Saturday, October 25, 2025

Government Denies Claims of Issuing 20,000 Diplomatic Passports




The Government of The Gambia has firmly dismissed allegations that it has issued 20,000 diplomatic passports, describing the claim as false and misleading.

In a press release, the Government clarified that the issuance of diplomatic passports in The Gambia is governed by a transparent and well-defined process. These passports are granted only to Gambian diplomats, their spouses, senior government officials, Gambians serving in international organizations, and other individuals officially representing the country’s interests at home and abroad.

To ensure accountability, the Government noted that as of the end of 2024, a total of 3,030 diplomatic passports had been issued — a figure that was duly shared with the National Assembly.

The statement urged the public to disregard what it described as “baseless allegations” made by a Senegalese journalist and politician, who claimed that the passports were distributed to relatives and former ministers of Senegal’s former President, H.E. Macky Sall. The Government emphasized that this claim is entirely unfounded and appears to be a deliberate attempt to misinform the public and sow discord between The Gambia and the Republic of Senegal.

The Government encouraged citizens to rely solely on official sources for verified information and expressed gratitude to the Gambian people for their continued trust, vigilance, and understanding.


Thursday, October 23, 2025

Two Convicted in Bijilo Land Fraud: Court Orders D2.5 Million Compensation


By JarranewsTV Staff Reporter

The Banjul Magistrate’s Court, presided over by Principal Magistrate M. Krubally, has convicted two men—Omar Sey and Dembo Touray—for their involvement in a fraudulent land transaction in Bijilo that defrauded a buyer of D2.5 million.
In a judgment delivered on October 20, 2025, Magistrate Krubally found both accused guilty of conspiracy to defraud and obtaining money by false pretence, while the first accused, Omar Sey, was further convicted on four additional counts of forgery, uttering false documents, and giving false information to a public officer.

             Background of the Case
The case, prosecuted by the Inspector General of Police (IGP), arose from a land transaction in which the complainant, Mbackeh Sowe, purchased a plot in Bijilo for D2,500,000. Evidence presented in court revealed that the rightful owner of the land, Baba Mustapha Marong, a retired Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Information, neither issued a power of attorney nor authorized any sale of the property.
According to testimony, Omar Sey presented a fraudulent power of attorney purportedly signed by Mr. Marong and produced a false police report claiming that the original documents were lost. He then used those falsified papers to conduct a search at the Ministry of Lands, process a Deed of Assignment, and execute the fraudulent sale to the complainant.
The prosecution called five witnesses, including the intermediaries involved in the sale and the true owner of the property, who confirmed that the land was still lawfully his

               Findings of the Court
In delivering judgment, Magistrate Krubally held that the prosecution had proven its case beyond reasonable doubt. The court found that both accused acted jointly to defraud the complainant.
The magistrate dismissed Sey’s defence—that he acted on the instruction of an unknown individual identified only as “Mr. Njie”—as implausible. His own cautionary statement, tendered as Exhibit B, confirmed his active role in processing the fraudulent documents.
Regarding Dembo Touray, the court found that although he denied direct involvement in document forgery, his repeated presence during the payment stages and his admission of receiving a commission demonstrated his complicity.
       Sentencing and Compensation Orders
Magistrate Krubally described the offences as “aggravated acts of calculated deceit”, before imposing the following sentences:
Omar Sey (First Accused):
Convicted on six counts—including conspiracy, obtaining by false pretence, forgery, uttering, and giving false information.
Fine: D5,000 on each count (total D30,000), in default six months’ imprisonment per count (total three years).
Compensation Order: D1,900,000 to the victim, in default six years’ imprisonment.
The court directed that default sentences shall run consecutively.
Dembo Touray (Second Accused):
Convicted on two counts of conspiracy and false pretence.
Fine: D5,000 on each count (total D10,000), in default six months’ imprisonment per count (total one year).
Compensation Order: D600,000 to the victim, in default two years’ imprisonment.
The default sentences are also to run consecutively.
In accordance with Section 191 of the Criminal Offences Act (2025), the magistrate granted the prosecution’s application for compensation, emphasizing the financial losses suffered by the complainant
Mitigation and Pleas for Leniency
Both convicts, described as first-time offenders, entered pleas for leniency.
Omar Sey cited health concerns and told the court that he had D1,000,000 ready through his counsel as part payment of compensation.
Dembo Touray pleaded for mercy, explaining that he is a family man with three wives and several dependents.
The court noted their pleas but maintained that the seriousness of the offence warranted a deterrent sentence.


Tuesday, October 21, 2025

Has the UDP Lost Its Bearings?



The recent appointment of Pa Manneh of Brikama as the new campaign manager of the United Democratic Party (UDP) has raised serious questions about the party’s direction and judgment. For a movement that once symbolized steadfast opposition, democratic ideals, and moral integrity, this decision may prove to be one of its gravest missteps.
Pa Manneh is not a new figure within the UDP. As one of the party’s early members and former youth leader, he played a pivotal role during its formative years. Yet, his political record since then has been marred by controversy and mistrust. During the turbulent years following the collapse of the National Alliance for Democracy and Development (NADD) in 2006, it was widely alleged that Pa Manneh and others were compromised by the former regime of Yahya Jammeh — acting as informants against the very opposition they once championed.
Those allegations gained further weight when Pa Manneh eventually crossed over to the ruling APRC, serving as an elected councillor under Jammeh’s government until the regime’s fall in 2017. His subsequent return to the UDP after Jammeh’s exile was seen by many as a calculated move rather than an act of reconciliation.
Fast forward to today: the UDP, weakened by internal resignations and factional infighting — notably the departure of Talib Ahmed Bensouda and other key figures — seems to be struggling to regain coherence. The choice of Pa Manneh as campaign manager, therefore, reflects not strategic renewal, but desperation.
For a party that once stood as the moral compass of Gambian politics, entrusting its campaign machinery to a figure with such a chequered political history undermines its credibility and alienates its base. It signals a party adrift — uncertain of its values, haunted by internal disarray, and seemingly willing to sacrifice principle for expedience.
If the UDP is to remain relevant in the evolving political landscape, it must confront these contradictions head-on. Otherwise, history may remember this decision not as a revival, but as the moment the UDP truly lost its bearings.

Editorial: A Beacon of Hope and Compassion — Celebrating the Visionary Leadership of Her Excellency Fatoumatta Bah Barrow

      





By JarraNewsTV Editorial Board

In a time when the world yearns for compassionate leadership, Her Excellency Fatoumatta Bah Barrow, First Lady of the Republic of The Gambia, continues to stand tall as a symbol of humility, dedication, and transformative service. Through her tireless humanitarian work and the far-reaching initiatives of the Fatoumatta Bah Barrow Foundation (FaBB), she has profoundly impacted the lives of countless Gambians — especially women, children, and the most vulnerable.
Her Excellency’s leadership is one rooted in quiet strength and deep compassion. Rather than grandstanding, she has let her work speak for itself — touching communities across the country and bringing tangible change to ordinary lives. From health to education, from clean water to empowerment, her initiatives reflect a vision anchored in service and sustainability.
In the health sector, the First Lady’s efforts have revitalized hope for thousands. Through the provision of medical equipment, support to hospitals, and nationwide campaigns for maternal and child health, she has become a champion of wellbeing for families in both urban and rural Gambia. Her commitment to ensuring that women and children receive quality healthcare stands as a cornerstone of her humanitarian agenda.
Equally inspiring is her unwavering commitment to education, particularly in advancing the rights and opportunities of the girl child. Her Excellency has persistently advocated for girls’ education — offering scholarships, improving school facilities, and mentoring young women to believe in their potential. Her philosophy that “an educated girl is an empowered nation” continues to resonate, opening doors for many who might otherwise have been left behind.
Her compassion, however, extends even further. Through the Fatoumatta Bah Barrow Foundation, the First Lady has spearheaded a clean water initiative that has changed the face of many rural communities. By installing solar-powered boreholes, she has brought safe and reliable drinking water to families who once struggled daily for access. This intervention has gone beyond improving health — it has created new economic opportunities.
Women gardeners, in particular, have reaped enormous benefits as they now have consistent access to water for their crops. This has boosted agricultural productivity, increased household income, and strengthened local economies. In essence, Her Excellency has turned water — once a burden — into a source of empowerment and prosperity.
Her organizational prowess and her ability to bring people together around a common goal have earned her immense respect both at home and abroad. By fostering partnerships between government agencies, international donors, and grassroots organizations, she has amplified the reach and impact of her work. Her leadership is a blend of compassion and competence — a model of what humanitarian service should look like in the 21st century.
At JarraNewsTV, we recognize Her Excellency Fatoumatta Bah Barrow not just as The Gambia’s First Lady, but as a mother of the nation, a unifier, and a beacon of inspiration to women across Africa and beyond. Her kindness, humility, and tireless devotion to humanity reflect the very best of Gambian values — compassion, hard work, and collective progress.

As the nation continues on its journey toward inclusive development, the legacy of Fatoumatta Bah Barrow will remain etched in our hearts — a legacy defined by hope, empowerment, and the relentless pursuit of a better future for all.

JarraNewsTV Editorial Board
In celebration of exemplary leadership and humanitarian excellence.



Monday, October 20, 2025

Gambia Police Hand Over Murder Suspect to Senegalese Authorities


By JarranewsTV Staff Reporter
Banjul, October 20, 2025

The Gambia Police Force (GPF), through its National Central Bureau (NCB) at Police Headquarters in Banjul, has officially handed over murder suspect Borry Sonko to the Senegalese National Police.

Sonko is accused of killing his pregnant wife, Bintou Manjang, in the Senegalese town of Bingona before allegedly fleeing into Gambian territory. His arrest followed swift and coordinated efforts by Gambian police officers in collaboration with the victim’s family.
During the handover ceremony on Sunday, October 19, 2025, the Senegalese National Police also returned to the GPF a truck with a Gambian registration number that had been intercepted in Senegal as part of related investigations.

Police officials described the operation as a further demonstration of the growing cooperation between The Gambia and Senegal in tackling transnational and organized crime. The latest collaboration comes on the heels of several successful cross-border operations, including the arrest and transfer of Ebou Secka and Buba Drammeh, who were handed over to Gambian authorities after being apprehended in Senegal for capital offenses. The GPF also recently transferred a murder suspect from Wellingara (Senegal) to the Senegalese Police in Basse.

According to officials, the joint operations send a strong message that “there is no safe haven for criminals in either country.”

The Gambia and Senegal have reaffirmed their commitment to mutual assistance and law enforcement cooperation under a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between the two police institutions.

In a statement, the GPF emphasized its “unwavering commitment to cross-border collaboration, upholding the rule of law, and ensuring justice for victims of serious crimes.”

Together, the two nations continue to stand firm against transnational crime — promoting safety, justice, and accountability across their shared borders.

Sunday, October 19, 2025

THE VULTURE WHO RETURNED TOO LATE: A RESPONSE TO GAGIGO’S MISGUIDED ATTACK ON PRESIDENT BARROW



By Yaya Dampha, NPP Diaspora Coordinator – Sweden

It is both ironic and pitiful that Gagigo — a man whose voice was completely absent during the dark years of Yahya Jammeh’s brutal dictatorship — has suddenly reappeared, wagging his finger at those who actually stood up when it mattered. After decades of silence, he now wishes to lecture President Adama Barrow and the Gambian people on moral courage. How convenient.

Let’s not mince words: this is the real vulture — one who feeds on the sweat, blood, and sacrifice of others. While Gambians risked everything to reclaim their freedom, Gagigo was nowhere to be found. He neither spoke up nor stood up. He vanished during the struggle, only to reemerge now that democracy has been secured by others.

WHERE WAS GAGIGO WHEN GAMBIA NEEDED HIM?

When Adama Barrow, alongside countless ordinary citizens, dared to confront Jammeh’s regime at great personal risk, Gagigo was missing in action.
When activists were jailed, when journalists were silenced, when innocent Gambians were tortured or exiled, Gagigo’s name was nowhere in the fight.
Now that the nation has triumphed — through courage, through unity, through sacrifice — Gagigo seeks to claim the moral high ground. This is not courage. It is cowardice wrapped in ambition.
Leadership is not tested when the coast is clear. It is tested in the storm. And while Adama Barrow stood up when it was dangerous, Gagigo only appeared when it was safe — and when he saw political opportunity.

ON BARROW’S ROLE AND GAGIGO’S CONVENIENT AMNESIA

It is laughable for anyone, least of all Gagigo, to downplay President Barrow’s historic role in leading the coalition that ended 22 years of dictatorship.
Barrow didn’t inherit power — he earned it through the will of the Gambian people, united behind a cause that demanded courage and conviction.
To suggest otherwise is an insult not only to Barrow but to every Gambian who cast a vote for change in 2016, every activist who risked arrest, every journalist who refused to be silenced.

Gagigo’s attempt to erase that sacrifice is not political commentary — it’s intellectual dishonesty.

THE REAL MORAL FAILURE

Gagigo pontificates about “moral authority” and “transitional justice,” yet he carries no record of moral courage. Where was his voice when Gambians were crying for justice under Jammeh? Where was his pen when the TRRC victims were still being silenced? Where was his outrage when innocent people disappeared into Jammeh’s dungeons?
He was silent. He was comfortable. And now he is ambitious.
It is the height of hypocrisy for a man who contributed nothing to the fight to suddenly question those who bore the brunt of it.
BARROW STOOD WHEN OTHERS HID

President Barrow’s record is not one of perfection — no leader’s is — but it is one of courage, patience, and national unity. He stood when many fell silent. He led when others hesitated. And he continues to steer a nation that is rebuilding itself after two decades of fear and division.
Those who today throw stones from the sidelines were spectators when it mattered. They want to reap the harvest from a field they never tilled.
That, fellow Gambians, is the true image of a political vulture.
LET THE PEOPLE REMEMBER

The Gambian people have not forgotten who was there in 2016 — who stood in the rain and the sun, who risked their lives to make change possible. And they will not be fooled by those who appear years later pretending to care for a cause they abandoned when it mattered most.
So yes, if Gagigo feels attacked by President Barrow’s metaphor of “vultures,” he should check the mirror. Sometimes, the truth hurts precisely because it fits.

FINAL WORD
Gambia’s democracy was built on sacrifice — not opportunism.
It was sustained by courage — not cowardice.
It was defended by doers — not talkers.

And so, as the nation looks ahead, let us beware of vultures circling above the progress we’ve made — those who contributed nothing but now wish to feast on the fruits of others’ struggle.

President Adama Barrow led when it was hard. Gagigo only arrived when it was easy.

History will remember the difference.



Saturday, October 18, 2025

Editorial: The Contradictions of Essa Faal’s Public Life



By JarraNews TV Editorial Board=
"When arrogance takes root, wisdom dies — and with it, every chance of true success"

In politics, credibility is earned through consistency. When words and deeds move in opposite directions, the public has a duty to question them. That is the dilemma confronting Essa Faal, the former Lead Counsel of The Gambia’s Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC), whose recent political outbursts have drawn attention to the contradictions in his own record.
Faal rose to national prominence through the TRRC hearings, where he demanded accountability for abuses under Yahya Jammeh’s rule. Yet critics point out that his own career began inside that same system. He served as a state prosecutor during the early Jammeh years—an era remembered for swift trials and heavy sentences against alleged coup plotters. Those choices may have been lawful, but they hardly resemble the fearless dissent he now celebrates.

When the TRRC was still at its most sensitive stage, Faal stepped away to pursue politics. The Commission’s final report, while historic, remains incomplete in key areas; its recommendations continue to gather dust. Supporters call his departure a personal decision, but many Gambians saw it as ambition interrupting national duty. A process meant to close one painful chapter of our history ended with fresh questions about motive and follow-through.

Internationally, Faal’s résumé includes service on the defense team at the Special Court for Sierra Leone, which tried former Liberian president Charles Taylor. Defending war-crimes suspects is a right in international law, yet the contrast between that work and his current moral sermonizing invites scrutiny. One cannot champion victims at home while having stood for perpetrators abroad without explaining the bridge between those roles.

Today, Faal positions himself as the fiercest critic of President Adama Barrow, accusing the government of creeping authoritarianism. Dissent is healthy in any democracy, but accusation without substantiation weakens the opposition and cheapens national debate. What Gambians need are policies, not personal vendettas—clarity of vision, not sound bites on talk shows.

Essa Faal’s story is therefore not only about one man’s ambition; it is a mirror of our political culture. Too often, we elevate personalities before examining their records. Accountability must apply to everyone who claims the moral high ground—including those who once occupied powerful seats in the very systems they now condemn.

The Gambia deserves a politics built on honesty, consistency, and service—not reinvention.



Friday, October 17, 2025

Commentary: The UDP at a Crossroads – A Giant in Disarray



The United Democratic Party (UDP), once the unshakable fortress of opposition politics in The Gambia, now stands on trembling ground. The party that once marched in unison behind a single yellow banner is today fragmented, uncertain, and dangerously distracted by internal rivalries and leadership fatigue. As the 2026 presidential election approaches, one thing becomes increasingly clear: UDP cannot unseat President Adama Barrow — not in this current political climate, and not with this fractured house.
1. A Party Bleeding from Within
The UDP’s latest crisis — the mass defection of nearly half its executive to Talib Ahmed Bensouda’s new movement — marks more than just a personnel change. It represents a symbolic collapse of internal confidence. Talib Bensouda, once seen as the UDP’s future, now embodies its disillusionment. His departure didn’t just drain talent; it drained credibility, youth energy, and national appeal from the party’s core.
In Gambian politics, perception is power. And today, the perception is clear: UDP is no longer the party of progress but the party of nostalgia — still echoing past slogans while others write new political scripts.
2. Leadership Fatigue and the Darboe Dilemma
Ousainou Darboe’s long leadership has given UDP both legacy and limits. After decades of faithful service, the question now is not whether Darboe can lead, but whether he still inspires. Political generations have shifted. Gambians under 35 — who make up the majority of the electorate — speak the language of digital politics, jobs, and modern reform, not the rhetoric of resistance.
While Barrow positions himself as the “builder of continuity” and Talib Bensouda crafts himself as “the youthful alternative,” UDP remains caught in the middle — too old to be revolutionary, too divided to be reformist.
3. Vacancies that Reveal a Void
The UDP’s published list of vacant national positions reads less like a sign of renewal and more like an obituary of lost unity.
When a party struggles to fill positions like National Organising Secretary and National Campaign Manager — the very engines of electoral mobilization — it signals disorganization at the heart of the machine. A party preparing to take State House should be refining its message, not replacing its messengers.
The sheer volume of applicants competing for posts once occupied by seasoned loyalists shows desperation, not discipline. Unity has given way to opportunism, and ambition has replaced cohesion.

4. The Politics of Intimidation vs. The Politics of Discipline
The UDP’s approach to political opponents — insults, intimidation tactics, and the so-called “Foroyaa kanta” — has proven counterproductive. Instead of building bridges, it burns them. Instead of persuasion, it breeds resentment.
Every day, some UDP supporters flood the public space with personal attacks and insults, even cursing people’s parents, merely because they support a different party. That kind of politics alienates neutral voters and disgusts the moderate middle — the very constituency that decides elections in The Gambia.
In contrast, President Adama Barrow’s leniency, discipline, and soft approach have been a quiet but effective political weapon. The NPP’s grassroots strategy — selling the party’s vision without insults, without intimidation, and with respect for all Gambians — is reshaping the tone of Gambian politics. Barrow’s calm temperament and tolerance have become an asset, turning criticism into credibility and anger into admiration.
This contrast between UDP’s aggression and NPP’s composure is one of the most decisive psychological factors that will shape the 2026 vote.
5. President Barrow’s Strategic Advantage
Meanwhile, President Adama Barrow stands stronger than ever. With state machinery, a loyal rural base, and cross-party coalitions quietly solidifying, Barrow represents stability in a sea of fragmentation. He has successfully repositioned himself from “UDP’s accidental president” to “The Gambia’s pragmatic leader.”
Barrow’s political maturity now lies in absorbing disaffected figures from both UDP and the opposition fringes, further expanding his reach. The defections from UDP into Bensouda’s camp — and eventually into Barrow’s orbit — only strengthen the incumbent’s long game.
6. The Riddle of UDP’s Future
Riddle:
 What is a lion without its roar,
 A tree whose roots have gone to war,
 A flag whose color fades with dawn,
 Yet still believes the sun will rise at morn?
The answer is the UDP — still proud, still standing, yet quietly bleeding beneath the golden cloth.
Unless the party can rebuild its structure, empower a younger and united leadership, and redefine its message beyond “Darboe versus Barrow,” it risks becoming the eternal opposition — a party respected for its history, but irrelevant to the future.
       

   Conclusion
UDP’s strength once lay in its unity, discipline, and moral conviction. Today, those very pillars are fractured. The party’s toxic communication culture, leadership fatigue, and internal defections are eroding its electoral base.
President Barrow, seasoned and strategic, will walk into 2026 facing a divided UDP, a splintered opposition, and a strengthened incumbency machine. His soft-spoken leadership, message of tolerance, and disciplined team have become the new model of political persuasion.
Unless UDP urgently reinvents itself, the 2026 elections will not be a contest — they will be a coronation of continuity.

Editorial: Defense of President Adama Barrow. Truth Over Theatre




In recent weeks, the public has been inundated with sensational claims made by former Auditor General Modou Ceesay, accusing President Adama Barrow of interfering with the work of the National Audit Office. These allegations—amplified by opposition-aligned outlets—have cast unnecessary doubt on the integrity of the presidency and the institutions that underpin our democracy.
While concerns about transparency and accountability are always valid, Ceesay’s claims rest on unverified allegations, contradictions, and glaring inconsistencies that fail to stand up to scrutiny.

Where Is the Evidence?
If Modou Ceesay truly possessed evidence that President Barrow interfered with audits, why didn’t the public know long before his dismissal?
It is well-documented that Ceesay’s office had a pattern of leaking audit reports—often prematurely and selectively—to opposition-linked media houses. This was a direct violation of the Audit Office’s confidentiality rules and raised serious questions about professional ethics within that institution.
 If he could leak classified audit reports, why did he never leak evidence of the President’s so-called interference?
The answer is simple: no such evidence exists. His sudden moral awakening after being removed from office—and after rejecting a ministerial position—appears less about integrity and more about personal revenge.
. Lawful Oversight Is Not Interference
The Gambian Constitution and the National Audit Office Act empower the president to ensure accountability and coordination across government. Seeking clarification on audit timelines or administrative procedures—especially during sensitive national periods such as elections—is not political interference, but responsible governance
No evidence has surfaced that President Barrow ever hlted an audit;
Ordered the alteration of findings; or
Issued directives contrary to the law.
Until credible proof emerges, these accusations remain politically motivated conjecture—nothing more.
 The Pattern of Leaks and Political Bias
Multiple reports have established that the Auditor General’s office under Ceesay’s leadership leaked draft reports to partisan media outlets known for their hostility toward the government. This behaviour betrays the neutrality expected of a constitutional officer.
For someone now claiming that he was “silenced” by presidential pressure, his own track record of selective leaking tells a different story.
His “silence” conveniently served his job security, and his “voice” only emerged after he lost his position. That is not courage—it is calculated opportunism.
 Timing Exposes Motive
Ceesay’s allegations came only after two key developments:
 His removal from the office following internal disciplinary concerns and. His rejection of a ministerial appointment extended in good faith by the president.

If he truly believed in accountability, why entertain or even consider a position from the very administration he now accuses? His actions expose not conviction, but bitterness is disguised as principle.he could have resigned in protest.
Barrow’s Record Speaks for Itself
President Adama Barrow’s leadership has been marked by institutional strengthening, not suppression. Under his administration:

The National Audit Office Act (2015) was enacted to guarantee greater independence and operational autonomy.
Budgetary allocations to oversight institutions have increased, ensuring they can perform without constraint.
The Judiciary and National Assembly continue to operate freely—proof of a healthy separation of powers.
These are the hallmarks of democratic progress, not autocratic control.
Integrity or Opportunism?
If Ceesay’s allegations were genuine, he had clear, lawful avenues available to him:
He could have reported interference to the National Assembly.
He could have resigned in protest.
He could have filed a constitutional complaint.
He did none of these. Instead, he chose silence while in office, leaks when it suited him, and accusations after dismissal.
This is not the conduct of a principled whistleblower—it is the behaviour of a bureaucrat seeking revenge for lost privilege.
Defending Presidential Integrity
Since taking office in 2017, President Barrow has demonstrated a steadfast commitment to the rule of law, institutional independence, and democratic reform. The attempt to tarnish his record with baseless accusations is not only unfair—it is an insult to the Gambian people who value truth over propaganda. Modou Ceesay’s credibility is fatally undermined by his office’s repeated leaks; His silence at critical moments; and
his sudden, self-serving “revelations” after removal.  If he truly stood for transparency, he would have acted when it mattered most—not when it served his ego.

The Final Word
The Gambian people deserve facts, not theatrics. They deserve governance rooted in truth, not bitterness. Until Modou Ceesay provides verifiable proof of presidential wrongdoing, his claims remain bitter echoes of personal disappointment, not evidence of corruption.
President Barrow’s record speaks louder than the noise: a leader focused on nation-building, stability, and institutional integrity.

Jarra News TV Editorial Board
For truth, balance, and accountability in national discourse.

Wednesday, October 15, 2025

Foundation Calls for Urgent Action to Save Hemophilia Patients in Rural Gambia



By Madi S. Njie

Banjul, The Gambia — October 11, 2025:
Rising concerns over inadequate healthcare services and a shortage of trained medical professionals in rural parts of The Gambia were brought to light during the Safe Motherhood and Hemophilia Foundation’s Family Day event held at the Badala Park Hotel.

The event, organized to raise awareness about hemophilia, brought together patients, families, and healthcare stakeholders who discussed the numerous challenges faced by those living with the rare bleeding disorder, particularly in remote areas such as Farafenni, Bansang, and other rural communities across the country, including parts of the Greater Banjul Area.

The tragic death of a hemophilia patient from Farafenni underscored the urgency of the issue. The patient’s mother blamed the loss on inadequate medical attention, explaining that her daughter required specialized care from a hematologist rather than a general surgical procedure. Another parent, Ebrima Top from the Kudang suburbs, also lamented the loss of his child to the same condition.

 “There is a clear shortage of healthcare personnel in these communities,” a foundation representative said, calling on government and health authorities to address the gaps in medical expertise and infrastructure.

Parents of hemophilia patients in rural regions voiced frustration over the lack of medical equipment and limited access to treatment. Currently, the only functional machine for hemophilia testing is located in Banjul, forcing patients to travel long distances for diagnosis and medication.

 “Access to healthcare is extremely limited, and it’s putting lives at risk,” one parent noted, adding that many families struggle financially and emotionally to manage the disorder.


Hemophilia is a genetic bleeding disorder that leads to prolonged bleeding due to insufficient clotting factors in the blood. Managing the condition requires regular clotting factor replacement therapy — a treatment that remains largely unavailable in rural areas.

Mr. Vandy Jayah, President of the Safe Motherhood and Hemophilia Foundation, highlighted ongoing efforts to improve care for hemophilia patients.

 “We’re developing a patient ID system to help healthcare providers better manage cases and ensure timely treatment,” he explained.

The Foundation has also launched a public awareness campaign to dispel misconceptions about hemophilia in The Gambia. Due to limited training, many healthcare workers still fail to identify the condition correctly, often resulting in misdiagnosis or neglect.

 “Hemophilia is real, and people are living with it,” Mr. Jayah emphasized.


Discussions at the event also focused on improving access to medication and service delivery through collaboration with international partners. However, Mr. Jayah admitted that “there is still a long way to go” and called for better documentation and grassroots involvement to address the challenges more effectively.

As part of the awareness activities, the Foundation also organized a Family Fun Day on October 11, giving children with hemophilia the chance to socialize in a safe and supportive environment.

Josephine Touray, Secretary General of the Foundation, stressed the importance of such gatherings in reducing stigma and offering support to families. She also noted significant progress in healthcare access. Previously, patients had to travel to Senegal for testing and treatment, but through the Foundation’s advocacy, a hemophilia testing laboratory has now been established in Banjul, providing local treatment options.

Touray further explained that the Foundation was established by Mr. Jayah after he witnessed a severe bleeding incident involving a patient — an experience that inspired him to take action to improve hemophilia care in the country.

The Foundation continues to collaborate closely with the Gambian government to enhance the management and storage of medical supplies and medication, helping ensure free access to healthcare for hemophilia patients.

In her closing remarks, Touray reminded caregivers and patients of the importance of regular medical check-ups, ideally monthly visits with hematologists, and the need to inform doctors of their condition before undergoing any medical procedure.

Despite notable progress, she acknowledged that significant challenges remain, particularly in rural communities where access to trained specialists and treatment remains scarce.

Mr. Jayah concluded by explaining that hemophilia is an inherited condition, passed genetically from parents to their children.
 “If the father carries the disease, it can be transmitted to the mother, and if the mother possesses it, it can be inherited by the daughter,” he explained.

The Safe Motherhood and Hemophilia Foundation reaffirmed its commitment to improving healthcare for hemophilia patients across The Gambia and ensuring that no one is left behind due to geography or lack of awareness.



Editorial: IMF's Call Reflects Confidence, Not Criticism, in The Gambia’s Reform Path

           

In recent days, sections of the political opposition have sought to portray the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) latest statement as evidence of discontent with the Gambian government. They argue that the IMF’s call for the Anti-Corruption Commission to be operationalised next year shows frustration with the Barrow administration.

However, a closer and more objective reading of the IMF’s remarks reveals a very different picture — one of confidence, partnership, and progress.

IMF Commends The Gambia’s Fiscal and Governance Reforms

After concluding its fourth review mission under The Gambia’s Extended Credit Facility (ECF), the IMF Mission Chief, Eva Jenkner, praised the government for taking “tough steps” in economic and governance reforms. She highlighted strict expenditure control, enhanced resource mobilisation, and substantial results already achieved in 2024.

These are not the words of an institution dissatisfied with its partner. Rather, they reflect the IMF’s recognition of The Gambia’s ongoing efforts to strengthen its economy and governance framework.

Anti-Corruption Commission: A Shared Reform Goal

The IMF’s reference to the Anti-Corruption Commission’s operationalisation should not be misunderstood. This was not a warning or sign of discontent; it was a reminder of a shared commitment — a reform benchmark that The Gambia itself included in its ECF programme.

Having already submitted the shortlist of commissioners to the National Assembly, the next natural step is to make the Commission fully operational. This is part of the government’s own governance agenda, designed to enhance transparency and strengthen public trust.

To interpret this as IMF dissatisfaction is simply inaccurate. The Fund’s tone throughout the statement was constructive and supportive, reflecting its confidence in the government’s reform path.

Remarkable Financial Progress Since 2016

Since 2016, The Gambia has achieved a level of economic turnaround few would have thought possible just a decade ago. Through discipline, reform, and international cooperation, the government has rebuilt an economy once on the brink of collapse.

Some of the major achievements include:

Restored Macroeconomic Stability: The budget deficit has been narrowed, and the debt-to-GDP ratio — once above 120% — has been reduced through restructuring and prudent fiscal management.

Improved Revenue Collection: The Gambia Revenue Authority (GRA) modernisation drive has boosted domestic tax collection through digital systems and customs reform.

Stronger Fiscal Discipline: Expenditure controls and transparent budgeting, guided by the Public Finance Act, have reduced wastage and improved accountability.

Enhanced Governance: The establishment of an independent National Audit Office and progress on the Anti-Corruption Commission show real movement toward stronger institutions.

Social Investment: Despite economic headwinds, spending on education, healthcare, and infrastructure has remained a national priority.

Renewed International Confidence: The Gambia’s consistent success in IMF programme reviews has attracted more donor confidence and development assistance.


These results speak to a government that has not only stabilised the economy but is also laying the foundation for long-term, sustainable growth.

The IMF’s Message Is Clear: Stay the Course

The IMF’s message to The Gambia is not one of criticism — it is one of encouragement. It recognises the hard work already done and urges the government to continue building on these gains by strengthening institutions and maintaining fiscal discipline.

The operationalisation of the Anti-Corruption Commission should therefore be viewed as a milestone in The Gambia’s governance journey — a symbol of progress, not pressure.

Conclusion

The opposition’s attempt to politicise the IMF’s statement misrepresents its true intent. The Fund remains supportive of The Gambia’s reform efforts, impressed by the government’s fiscal discipline, and committed to continued cooperation.

Since 2016, The Gambia has transformed its economic governance, restored international credibility, and positioned itself as a model of reform in West Africa.

At Jarra News TV, we believe the IMF’s statement is a vote of confidence in the government’s direction — not criticism. The message from the IMF is clear and positive: The Gambia is on the right path — and the world is taking notice.


Saturday, October 11, 2025

The Fatal Flaw: Why Well-Intentioned African Education Initiatives Repeatedly Fail

     
By Lang Fafa Dampha

Introduction : The Contemporary African Paradox

The launch of the African Union’s Decade of Education represents the latest in a long series of ambitious, well-funded, and ostensibly transformative initiatives aimed at addressing the continent’s persistent educational crisis. Yet, despite decades of frameworks, declarations, and action plans, “learning poverty”, defined as the inability of children to read and comprehend a simple text by the age of ten, remains widespread across Africa. The persistence of this challenge is not primarily the result of inadequate investment or insufficient political will. Rather, it reflects a deep-seated structural and conceptual flaw that has consistently undermined reform efforts: the systematic marginalisation of African languages as legitimate mediums of instruction, knowledge production, and intellectual development.
The recent African Union communiqué on the Decade of Education encapsulates this paradox. Although rhetorically rich and aligned with global development discourse, employing terms such as transformation, indigenous knowledge, and teacher professionalism, it remains conceptually weak and strategically incoherent. The absence of a concrete, adequately funded, and institutionalised role for African languages exposes a profound disjuncture between the proclaimed aspirations of educational transformation and the linguistic realities of African societies. Unless African languages are recognised, resourced, and mainstreamed as central instruments of learning, creativity, and cognitive development, the Decade of Education risks reproducing the very epistemic and pedagogical inequalities it claims to address.

1. No Nation Has Ever Developed in a Foreign Tongue

History demonstrates with consistency that no nation or people has ever achieved enduring, self-sustaining development by relying exclusively on the languages and cultures of others. Language is not a neutral instrument; it is the repository of a people’s worldview, epistemology, and modes of reasoning. It encodes collective experience, environmental adaptation, and the conceptual categories through which societies make sense of reality. To abandon one’s language in education and knowledge production is therefore to surrender intellectual agency, and to outsource meaning, creativity, and identity to external frameworks of thought.

The trajectory of global development reveals that linguistic sovereignty is a precondition for genuine modernisation and innovation. Europe’s intellectual transformation during the Renaissance and Enlightenment was not conducted in Latin, the transnational language of medieval scholarship, but in vernaculars : Italian, French, English, German, and Spanish. When Dante Alighieri wrote The Divine Comedy in Italian rather than Latin, he democratised access to knowledge and elevated his vernacular to a medium of philosophy and science. Similarly, the scientific revolutions of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries flourished once scholars began to write and teach in their native tongues, linking abstract inquiry to lived experience (Ngũgĩ 1986).

In East Asia, Japan’s Meiji Restoration exemplifies the transformative power of linguistic ownership. Japan’s rapid industrial and technological modernisation in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was accomplished through an education system firmly grounded in the Japanese language and cultural traditions. While the nation borrowed scientific and technological knowledge from the West, it naturalised these imports within its linguistic and cultural frameworks, ensuring that modernity was appropriated on its own terms. As Kwesi Kwaa Prah (2009) observes, Japan’s success stemmed from its ability to “domesticate modernity” rather than to “imitate the West.” This process was mediated through language, which acted as a filter for knowledge adaptation and indigenisation.

Similarly, China’s contemporary global ascendancy is underpinned by a deliberate linguistic policy that prioritises Mandarin as the medium of instruction, administration, and innovation. Even as China integrates into global networks, it produces scientific research, technological development, and digital innovation primarily in Chinese, translating outward only what it chooses to share. This linguistic self-reliance allows China to control the epistemic terms of its modernisation and to safeguard cultural continuity while participating in global knowledge economies (Heugh 2011).

In contrast, the African continent continues to operate under a system of linguistic dependency, where the languages of colonial powers mediate access to education, governance, and scientific discourse. This dependency perpetuates epistemic subordination and undermines cognitive efficiency. Studies consistently demonstrate that learning in a second or foreign language creates a cognitive barrier that impedes conceptual understanding and critical thinking (Brock-Utne 2010). As a result, Africa’s education systems often produce individuals who are literate in colonial languages but disconnected from their own socio-cultural realities, i.e., functionally educated yet epistemically alienated.

The consequences of this linguistic alienation are profound. A society that thinks, teaches, and innovates in a foreign language internalises external categories of value, progress, and reason. It becomes intellectually dependent, perpetually translating rather than originating ideas. Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o (1986) warns that such “cognitive colonisation” traps entire generations in a borrowed consciousness, unable to generate development paradigms that resonate with local realities. The result is mimicry of progress rather than authentic transformation, a pattern evident in many postcolonial states where policy blueprints, curricula, and institutional designs mirror those of former colonial metropoles.

The link between linguistic sovereignty and national development is therefore neither symbolic nor sentimental; it is structural and cognitive. Every society that has achieved sustained development has done so by building educational, scientific, and technological systems upon its own linguistic foundations. Language is not merely a vehicle for communication; it is a cognitive infrastructure that shapes how problems are identified, analysed, and solved. When education occurs in a foreign language, learners must first negotiate linguistic meaning before engaging with conceptual content, fragmenting cognition and stifling creativity. By contrast, instruction in one’s mother tongue fosters deeper comprehension, analytical precision, and the capacity to innovate from within one’s own epistemic framework (Heugh 2011).

2. Linguistic Neglect as a Symptom of Deeper Structural Problems

The silence on language in the African Union communiqué is symptomatic of a deeper and more entrenched crisis in educational planning, one that manifests in three interrelated structural pathologies: epistemic, pedagogical, and professional. Together, these pathologies expose a persistent disconnect between policy rhetoric and practical reality. While official frameworks are replete with progressive terminology, such as transformation, innovation, and inclusivity, they often lack the epistemological depth and institutional coherence necessary to translate these ideals into practice. Consequently, African education systems remain trapped in a cycle where ambitious declarations are made without addressing the foundational linguistic and cognitive conditions required for meaningful transformation. 

2.1. The Epistemic Contradiction

The initiative, “Transforming Knowledge for Africa’s Future”, aspires to reposition the continent as a producer rather than a consumer of knowledge. However, this aspiration is fundamentally undermined by its linguistic architecture. Knowledge cannot emerge in a linguistic vacuum; it is conceptualised, articulated, and transmitted through language, which serves as both the vessel and the validator of thought. By anchoring the entire educational enterprise in former colonial languages : English, French, Portuguese, and Spanish, the system structurally confines African intellectual production within the epistemic frameworks of its colonial past.
This linguistic dependency reinforces the “cognitive colonisation” of Africa, a condition in which learning becomes an act of translation rather than creation (Ngũgĩ 16). Consequently, African education systems privilege assimilation over innovation, ensuring that the continent remains positioned at the periphery of global knowledge economies. As long as African languages remain excluded from formal domains of learning and scholarship, the aspiration to “transform knowledge” will remain rhetorical, reproducing the same hierarchies it purports to dismantle.

2.2. The Pedagogical Paradox

The communiqué’s emphasis on standardised assessment tools and foundational learning further reveals a deep pedagogical inconsistency. Foundational learning presupposes comprehension, cognitive engagement, and conceptual mastery, all of which depend on linguistic accessibility. Research in cognitive psychology and education confirms that children learn best in their mother tongue, where comprehension is intuitive and cognitive load is minimised (Brock-Utne 2010). Conversely, instruction in a foreign language imposes a dual cognitive burden: learners must first decode an unfamiliar linguistic system before accessing the underlying concept in mathematics, science, or literacy.

This pedagogical misalignment produces what the African Union itself describes as “learning poverty,” a systemic condition where students fail to attain basic literacy and numeracy despite years of schooling. The tragedy is not that African children are incapable of learning, but that the system is designed to make comprehension improbable. By measuring proficiency through foreign linguistic lenses, African education systems institutionalise failure, mistaking linguistic exclusion for intellectual deficiency.

2.3. The Professional Disempowerment of Teachers

The pillar of teacher professionalism, prominently highlighted in the AU communiqué, is rendered hollow by the same linguistic dysfunction. True professionalism presupposes mastery, creativity, and autonomy, qualities that are severely compromised when teachers are compelled to instruct in a language they neither command fluently nor culturally inhabit. A teacher alienated from the medium of instruction cannot exercise independent pedagogical judgment or adapt content to the cognitive realities of their students. Instead, many become script-dependent transmitters, constrained by rote methods and externally imposed curricula.
This dynamic constitutes a form of intellectual alienation, disempowering teachers and diminishing classroom engagement. As Brock-Utne (2010) argues, educators teaching in foreign languages are often reduced to mere functionaries within systems that prioritise conformity over creativity. The consequences are profound: weakened classroom interaction, low morale, and declining learning outcomes. In effect, linguistic exclusion disempowers not only learners but also educators, transforming what should be a profession of creativity into one of compliance.


3. Why the Linguistic Flaw Persists

The persistence of this linguistic paradox is not accidental; it is deeply structurally entrenched and sustained by a convergence of political, economic, and ideological forces. Three interlocking dynamics : the political economy of elites, the tyranny of global benchmarks, and the perceived cost of linguistic complexity, collectively reinforce the dominance of ex-colonial languages in African education systems.

3.1. The Political Economy of Elites

The continued use of former colonial languages in governance and education primarily serves the interests of national elites who inherited and adapted colonial administrative systems to preserve socio-political dominance. Proficiency in these languages functions as a gatekeeping mechanism, defining access to education, employment, and political participation. This creates a self-reinforcing cycle: elites educated in foreign languages reproduce a linguistic hierarchy that privileges them while excluding the majority (Bamgbose 2011).

Such linguistic stratification perpetuates what Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o (1986) calls the “captive mind” syndrome, in which the African elite governs through borrowed epistemologies. Mother-tongue education is often dismissed as parochial or divisive precisely because its success would democratise access to knowledge and erode the symbolic power of linguistic exclusivity that sustains elite dominance.

3.2. The Tyranny of Global Benchmarks

Global and continental frameworks such as Sustainable Development Goal 4 (SDG 4) and Agenda 2063, Aspiration 1, Goal 2, while progressive in their stated intentions, inadvertently reinforce linguistic dependency within African education systems. International education metrics are predominantly designed around standardised assessments conducted in English, French, or Portuguese, privileging comparability over comprehension (Alexander 2005). This creates what Müller (2018) calls the “tyranny of metrics,” in which educational success is evaluated through performance on global tests rather than through evidence of meaningful learning at the national or continental level. Consequently, national education systems often prioritise linguistic conformity and alignment with external standards to attract donor funding and international validation, thereby perpetuating a cycle of dependency that undermines locally grounded educational transformation.

3.3. The Cost of Complexity

Finally, resistance to Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education (MTB-MLE) is frequently justified by the perceived logistical and financial complexity of implementing multilingual systems. While it is true that developing curricula and training teachers across diverse linguistic contexts presents challenges, these difficulties are often overstated to rationalise policy inertia. In practice, maintaining foreign-language systems is far more costly in the long term, as evidenced by persistently high rates of repetition, dropout, and learning failure (Heugh 2011). The argument that multilingual education is prohibitively expensive overlooks the far greater economic, cognitive, and social costs of linguistic exclusion, costs that undermine both educational efficiency and sustainable national development.

4. Towards True Transformation: Building a New Educational Architecture

A genuinely transformative Decade of Education must move beyond the rhetorical inclusion of language and instead reimagine and reconstruct Africa’s educational architecture around principles of linguistic and epistemic sovereignty. This transformation demands more than token references to “indigenous knowledge” or “cultural relevance”; it requires embedding African languages at the core of curriculum design, teacher education, assessment, and research. Language must be understood not merely as a tool of instruction but as the very foundation of knowledge production, cultural continuity, and cognitive development. It is through language that societies define reality, transmit values, and innovate within their own epistemological frameworks. Without linguistic sovereignty, any effort at educational reform risks remaining externally driven and conceptually shallow, producing systems that continue to educate Africans about the world in foreign languages, rather than empowering them to think and create from within their own intellectual and cultural traditions. 

4.1. Pillar 1: Foundational Literacy in the Mother Tongue. 

Foundational education must be firmly rooted in the learner’s first language, as this is the natural medium through which cognition, comprehension, and creativity develop. Evidence from countries such as Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Tanzania demonstrates that children who begin their education in their mother tongue acquire literacy, numeracy, and critical thinking skills more effectively and with greater confidence (Heugh 2011). When learners are taught in a language they understand, they engage more actively, retain knowledge longer, and develop stronger problem-solving abilities.
For the first eight years of schooling, the mother tongue should therefore serve as the principal medium of instruction, supported by a gradual and well-structured transition to bilingual or multilingual proficiency. Such an approach not only enhances academic performance but also nurtures cultural identity, self-esteem, and social cohesion. By grounding foundational education in the languages children speak and think in, African education systems can lay the groundwork for lifelong learning, innovation, and inclusive national development.

4.2. Pillar 2: Curriculum as Cultural Translation. 

A decolonised curriculum must go beyond mere translation of existing content into African languages; it should actively reframe knowledge through African epistemologies, positioning the mother tongue as both the medium and the analytical lens of learning. This approach involves the systematic integration of indigenous knowledge systems, ranging from environmental management practices, traditional medicine, and agricultural techniques to locally grounded mathematical reasoning, into formal educational structures (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2018). By embedding these culturally and contextually rooted forms of knowledge, education becomes a process of cognitive and cultural empowerment, enabling learners to critically engage with global ideas while retaining intellectual sovereignty. Such a curriculum not only validates African ways of knowing but also fosters innovation by connecting abstract concepts to lived experiences and local realities. 


4.3. Pillar 3: Re-Professionalising Teachers. 

Teacher education must prioritise linguistic versatility and cultural competence as core professional competencies. Educators should be trained not only to teach effectively in multiple languages but also to create, adapt, and contextualise pedagogical content in African languages, ensuring that instruction resonates with students’ cultural and cognitive realities (Brock-Utne 2010). This approach empowers teachers to move beyond rote transmission of externally designed curricula, positioning them as active agents of intellectual innovation and knowledge production within their communities. By equipping educators with the skills to integrate local epistemologies, cultural practices, and linguistic nuances into their teaching, the education system fosters a classroom environment where learners engage critically, think creatively, and develop solutions grounded in their own social and cultural contexts.

4.4. Pillar 4: Decolonising Assessment and Digital Learning. 

Assessment frameworks and educational technologies must be fundamentally reimagined to operate in African languages, ensuring genuine cognitive equity and inclusion. When learners are assessed in the languages they understand best, evaluations reflect true comprehension and critical ability rather than linguistic proficiency. Developing testing tools, literacy benchmarks, and evaluation metrics in African languages would therefore align assessment with authentic learning outcomes rather than with colonial linguistic standards. Similarly, digital learning platforms should be deliberately designed to promote multilingual access, participation, and content creation. Embedding African languages within the digital knowledge economy not only broadens access but also ensures that technology becomes a vehicle for linguistic preservation and innovation rather than assimilation. This involves investing in digital localisation, open-source language tools, and online repositories of African knowledge. By making African languages integral to both assessment and digital education, the continent can democratise knowledge production and participation in the global digital sphere, transforming technology from a site of dependency into a platform for epistemic liberation and cultural continuity.

5. Conclusion: Between Liberation and Indoctrination

The African Union stands at a decisive historical juncture. Its educational vision, however ambitious, will remain hollow unless it confronts the foundational epistemic contradiction embedded within Africa’s education systems. The challenge is not one of inadequate resources but of structural design, a system inherited from the colonial enterprise, built not to cultivate autonomous thinkers but to sustain dependency. This architecture produced a narrow elite fluent in colonial languages and a populace alienated from its own linguistic and cultural heritage.

To devalue a child’s language is to devalue the child’s humanity, stripping education of its liberatory potential. True transformation in African education will not emerge from another round of polished declarations or imported policy frameworks, but from a radical reimagining of what it means to know, teach, and learn in African contexts. Until African children are free to think, dream, and create in the languages that carry their histories, emotions, and imaginations, all “bold commitments” to reform will remain rhetorical.

The Decade of Education must therefore mark the beginning of an epistemic revolution, one that recognises language as the foundation of knowledge, not merely a tool for communication. A borrowed language cannot carry the full weight of indigenous thought, nor can it serve as a sustainable vessel for decolonised knowledge production. As Bamgbose (2011) rightly observes, linguistic dependency ensures that Africa remains a consumer of ideas rather than their producer, perpetually confined within paradigms that privilege imitation over invention.

The historical record is unequivocal: no civilisation has ever achieved sustainable progress by negating its own language. Europe’s intellectual and scientific revolutions began when scholars turned from Latin to their vernaculars. Similarly, Asia’s rise, exemplified by Japan and China, was rooted in linguistic sovereignty and cultural self-definition. Africa’s renaissance will likewise depend on reclaiming its linguistic autonomy, not as a symbolic act of cultural pride but as a structural prerequisite for epistemic freedom, cognitive empowerment, and sustainable development.

Only when Africa educates its children in the languages that embody its collective memory and imagination will the continent move from indoctrination to liberation, transforming education from an instrument of dependency into a vehicle for genuine intellectual and human emancipation.

Bibliograpy

Alexander, Neville. Language Policy and National Unity in South Africa/Azania. Buchu Books, 2005.
Bamgbose, Ayo. Language and Exclusion: The Consequences of Language Policies in Africa. Lit Verlag, 2011.
Brock-Utne, Birgit. Language and Ideology in Education: The Case of Africa. African Minds, 2010.
Heugh, Kathleen. Theory and Practice in Language Education in Africa: Multilingual Education for All. UNESCO, 2011.
Müller, Jerry Z. The Tyranny of Metrics. Princeton University Press, 2018.
Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o. Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature. Heinemann, 1986.
Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J. Epistemic Freedom in Africa: Deprovincialization and Decolonization. Routledge, 2018.
Prah, Kwesi Kwaa. Mother Tongue for Scientific and Technological Development in Africa. CASAS, 2009.
UNESCO. If You Don’t Understand, How Can You Learn? Global Education Monitoring Report, Policy Paper 24. UNESCO, 2016.

About the author
Dr. Lang Fafa Dampha is a scholar and cultural advocate with a Doctorate in English Studies (Civilisation, Society, and Culture) from the University of Paris IV-Sorbonne. He has an extensive academic background, having taught Legal English (Law and Politics - UK/USA) at the University of Paris 2, Panthéon Assas, Introduction to Banking and Finance, the Stock Market, and the History of Economic Thought at the University of Paris 8, Saint-Denis, and English for Economic and Social Administration at the University of Paris 13, Villetaneuse.
From August 2015 to May 2025, Dr. Dampha served as Executive Secretary of the African Academy of Languages (ACALAN), a specialised institution of the African Union based in Bamako, Mali, dedicated to promoting the use and development of African languages. He also held the position of Interim Director of the African Centre for the Study and Research on Migration from March 2021 to October 2022, another AU specialised agency focused on migration governance and research.
He is currently serving as Executive Director of the Pan-African Centre for Cultures and Languages, (PACCL) an initiative committed to advancing African cultures and languages as instruments for social transformation and sustainable development across Africa and its diaspora.