Major Road Upgrade Begins in Gunjur

A major road construction project has officially started in Gunjur, bringing renewed optimism to residents who have long awaited improvements to the town’s main transport route.

Heavy machinery and construction crews from HAGE Group have begun work on the town’s principal road. The project will see the road built with a concrete surface, a more resilient material expected to better withstand heavy traffic and the harsh conditions that often affect roads during both the dry and rainy seasons.

The initiative forms part of the government’s nationwide road infrastructure drive under the administration of Adama Barrow. In recent years, the programme has focused on expanding and modernizing road networks across the country to improve transportation and stimulate local economies.

For decades, residents of Gunjur have struggled with difficult road conditions. During the dry season, thick dust clouds have been a common problem, while the rainy season often leaves the road muddy and nearly impassable. These conditions have frequently disrupted daily activities for motorists, traders, schoolchildren, and pedestrians.

The road runs through the heart of the community, connecting residential areas, local markets, schools, and neighboring coastal settlements. Its reconstruction is expected to ease transportation challenges and support economic activities within the town.

In addition to the main Gunjur road project, work is also progressing on another important route linking Gunjur to Jambanjelly through Kunkujang.

This road serves as a key connection for surrounding communities, facilitating the movement of farmers, fishermen, traders, and commuters between inland areas and the coast.

When completed, the projects are expected to strengthen transportation links across the southern parts of the West Coast Region, an area experiencing steady population growth and increasing economic activity.

For the people of Gunjur, however, the start of construction on their main road represents a particularly meaningful development — the beginning of a transformation that many in the community have hoped to see for years.

Coalitions, Not Personalities: Lessons from The Gambia for Senegal’s Political Moment

By Yaya Dampha NPP Diaspora Coordinator Sweden 

Alagi Yorro Jallow is right to warn Senegal about the dangerous rise of political revisionism and personality-driven narratives. His reflection about the mandate of Bassirou Diomaye Faye and the decisive role of the Diomaye Coalition should not be dismissed as partisan rhetoric. It is a factual reminder that modern democratic victories are rarely the triumph of a single individual. They are almost always the product of coalitions, compromise, and collective sacrifice.

Those of us who observed and participated in the democratic struggle in The Gambia understand this reality very well.

In 2016, after the imprisonment of Ousainou Darboe and several executives of the United Democratic Party (UDP), the opposition faced a historic crossroads. In a moment of necessity, the UDP leadership endorsed a relatively unknown businessman, Adama Barrow, as its presidential candidate. But Barrow did not become the symbol of change because of the UDP alone. He emerged through negotiations among a broad coalition of opposition parties and civil society actors who agreed that unity, not ego, was the only path to defeat dictatorship.

Barrow went through coalition consultations, won the coalition primary, became the unified opposition candidate, and ultimately defeated the long-standing ruler Yahya Jammeh. That victory was not the achievement of one party. It was the collective triumph of Gambians who rallied behind a coalition for democratic change.

However, history took a troubling turn after Darboe’s release from prison. He was appointed Foreign Minister and later Vice President. Yet instead of consolidating the spirit of coalition politics, unilateral decisions and confrontational rhetoric began to dominate the political atmosphere. Some supporters within the UDP started belittling President Barrow as an “accidental president,” claiming he owed his victory solely to Darboe and the UDP.

Such arguments ignore the central truth of coalition politics: no coalition victory belongs to one individual or one party.

Ironically, since distancing itself from the coalition framework, the UDP and Darboe forgot the fact that they have suffered four consecutive electoral defeats in the hands of Yahya Jammeh. The 2021 election results proved them wrong when Adama Barrow defeated Ousainou Darboe outrightly. This is not merely a political coincidence; it is a reminder that popularity within a party base or on the streets does not always translate into electoral victory.

The same lesson may be unfolding today in Senegal.

Ousmane Sonko, like Darboe in The Gambia, commands undeniable street popularity. His supporters are passionate, vocal, and emotionally invested in his political persona. But politics is not measured by street enthusiasm alone. Electoral success requires broad national alliances, institutional respect, and the humility to recognize the contributions of others.

This is precisely the point that Jallow makes about the Diomaye Coalition. When the political party structure collapsed and legal barriers threatened the candidacy of Diomaye, it was the coalition that carried the legal, financial, and organizational burden. The coalition mobilized voters across Senegal’s diverse political spectrum, ultimately securing the 54 percent mandate that brought Faye to power.

To attempt to erase that coalition and rewrite the story as a single-hero narrative is not only historically inaccurate; it is politically dangerous.

Even more troubling is the contradiction emerging in recent events. The same youth movements that once mobilized passionately in support of Sonko and the broader opposition struggle now find themselves confronting state security forces during protests at universities. Reports of police repression against young demonstrators raise difficult questions about whether revolutionary rhetoric has now given way to the harsh realities of governing.

Democratic politics cannot survive on antagonism, revenge, or emotional mobilization alone. Successful leadership requires restraint, maturity, and the ability to transform movements into institutions.

That is why President Faye’s metaphor about circumcision, as Jallow explains, should be understood not as a casual remark but as a cultural symbol of political maturity and responsibility. Leadership in Africa has always carried this deeper meaning: initiation into the burden of governing with discipline and restraint.

In this sense, Senegal now stands at a crossroads familiar to many African democracies.

Will its politics evolve toward coalition governance, institutional respect, and national unity?

Or will it descend into the same destructive cycle of personality cults, historical revisionism, and factional revenge that has destabilized many political movements after victory?

The Gambian experience offers a clear lesson: when pride replaces pragmatism, and when individuals attempt to rewrite collective victories as personal triumphs, political movements inevitably fracture.

Coalitions win elections.

Ego divides them.

Senegal would do well to remember this truth.

"From Banjul to Dakar: The Dangerous Illusion of Political “Alpha and Omega”

By Yaya Dampha, NPP Diaspora Coordinator – Sweden

Alagi Yorro Jallow’s reflection comes at a moment when Senegal must carefully navigate the delicate balance between constitutional order and political personality. His central message is both clear and timeless: in a republic, no individual can claim to be the sole guardian of a political movement or the exclusive owner of a national mandate.

West African political history offers many lessons, and The Gambia provides a revealing example. For decades, lawyer Ousainou Darboe was widely regarded as the central figure of opposition politics and leader of the . Despite his prominence and persistence, the opposition under his leadership was unable to defeat the long-time ruler in four successive presidential elections.

During those years, numerous attempts were made to build a united opposition front in The Gambia. However, many of these coalition efforts struggled to gain traction. Political disagreements—particularly over who should serve as the coalition’s flagbearer—often stalled negotiations and prevented the opposition from presenting a single unified electoral strategy.

Ironically, circumstances eventually altered the political landscape. When Darboe was imprisoned in 2016 during protests against the Jammeh government, opposition parties intensified negotiations that ultimately produced a unified coalition. That coalition went on to defeat Jammeh in the historic *elections*, bringing *change* to the presidency and ending more than two decades of authoritarian rule.

Many Gambians interpret those events through different lenses—some politically, others spiritually—arguing that Darboe’s absence from the political arena at that critical moment created the conditions for unity among opposition parties determined to end Jammeh’s rule. Others, however, see the victory primarily as the product of growing public frustration, civil society mobilization, and an unprecedented willingness among opposition parties to compromise for the national interest.

A similar dynamic can be observed in Senegal. The legal challenges faced by opposition figure prevented him from contesting the presidency and dramatically reshaped the political contest. In his absence, his political ally emerged as the candidate who unified supporters and ultimately secured victory in the *presidential election*.

These developments highlight an important democratic lesson. Political movements often revolve around charismatic personalities, but electoral victories are rarely the product of one individual alone. They emerge from broader social movements, political alliances, and the collective will of citizens seeking change.

The experiences of both The Gambia and Senegal illustrate the dangers of elevating any political figure to the status of an “alpha and omega” of national politics. When leaders begin to view themselves as indispensable, they risk confusing popularity with ownership of a political movement—or even the state itself.

Democratic systems, however, are designed to function beyond individual personalities. Institutions, laws, and constitutional frameworks must ultimately remain stronger than any single leader, no matter how influential.

The Gambian experience demonstrates a simple but enduring truth: alliances evolve, movements mature, and institutions must outlast personalities. Senegal, like The Gambia before it, now faces the continuing challenge of strengthening democratic institutions while managing the powerful influence of political movements and personalities.

In the end, the stability of a republic depends not on heroic myths but on constitutional discipline, institutional strength, and the collective will of its citizens. The true guardian of any democratic state is not an individual leader, but the constitution that binds the nation together.

British and Gambian Wrestling Bodies Sign Cooperation Agreement in London

By JarranewsTV Staff Reporter

London, 6 March 2026 — The and the have signed a landmark Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) aimed at strengthening cooperation in the development of wrestling, youth empowerment, and cultural exchange between the two organisations.

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greement was signed in London by Craig Anthony of the British Wrestling Association and Matarr Saine of the Gambia Wrestling Association. The ceremony took place at the in the presence of , The Gambia’s High Commissioner to the United Kingdom.

Also in attendance was , International Relations representative for British Wrestling and a member of the .

The MoU establishes a knowledge partnership between the two federations, reflecting a shared commitment to promoting wrestling as both a competitive sport and a platform for cultural exchange, youth development, and social cohesion.

Officials from both organisations highlighted the importance of connecting different wrestling traditions. The agreement recognises the deep cultural heritage of Gambian traditional wrestling, locally known as Boreh, alongside the established development of Olympic-style wrestling in the United Kingdom. It also identifies beach wrestling as an emerging area of global interest where both federations see opportunities for collaboration.

Under the agreement, the two bodies will cooperate in several key areas, including technical and coaching exchanges. This will involve sharing expertise in Olympic wrestling styles, traditional Gambian wrestling techniques, and beach wrestling training methods.

The partnership will also promote cultural and fan engagement through the exchange of best practices in community participation, event organisation, and the promotion of wrestling at both grassroots and international levels.

Another important component of the agreement focuses on governance and integrity in sport. The federations plan to share safeguarding frameworks and consult on governance models that align with international sporting standards.

Youth development will form a central pillar of the cooperation. Planned initiatives include youth training camps, mentorship programmes, and projects designed to increase participation in wrestling, with a particular emphasis on improving gender inclusion within the sport.

The MoU further opens avenues for strategic advocacy and international cooperation, including exploring opportunities within global wrestling structures and seeking support from programmes such as Olympic Solidarity and Commonwealth sport development initiatives.

Speakers at the ceremony said the agreement reflects the strong spirit of friendship between the United Kingdom and The Gambia, and the belief that sport can serve as a bridge between cultures.

The Memorandum of Understanding is non-binding and does not impose financial obligations on either organisation. Each party will bear its own costs for activities carried out under the cooperation.

Signed in London on 6 March 2026, the agreement will remain in effect for two years, with the possibility of extension by mutual consent.

Staff of the Gambian diplomatic mission in London were also present at the signing ceremony.

Ends.

GRA’s Digital Transformation Delivers Record Revenue as C G Darboe Commends President Barrow’s Support

By JarraNews TV Staff Reporter

The Gambia Revenue Authority (GRA) has celebrated a landmark achievement in national revenue mobilization, announcing a historic collection of more than D25 billion in 2025, the highest in the institution’s history. The milestone reflects the remarkable success of the Authority’s modernization agenda under the leadership of Commissioner General Yankuba Darboe and the steadfast political support provided by the government of President Adama Barrow.

Speaking at the GRA headquarters in Banjul, Commissioner General Darboe attributed the record-breaking performance to the Authority’s bold digital transformation and the enabling policy environment created by President Barrow’s administration. He noted that the government’s unwavering commitment to reform has empowered the GRA to close long-standing loopholes, strengthen compliance, and significantly enhance the efficiency and transparency of tax administration.

According to Commissioner General Darboe, the Authority’s modernization drive has fundamentally reshaped the way revenue is collected in The Gambia. Through the introduction of electronic tax filing, online payment systems, and integrated digital platforms, the GRA has streamlined tax processes, minimized human error, and drastically reduced revenue leakages.

“These reforms have transformed our operations,” Darboe said. “With the continued support of His Excellency President Adama Barrow, the GRA has been able to modernize its systems and ensure that national revenue is collected more efficiently and transparently for the benefit of the Gambian people.”

The Commissioner General highlighted the dramatic progress made over the past decade. Around 2016, he explained, annual revenue collections averaged between D5 billion and D6 billion. Today, following years of reform and modernization, the Authority has surpassed D25.3 billion, representing a major leap in the country’s domestic resource mobilization.

Darboe emphasized that the GRA’s achievements are aligned with a broader national vision of economic self-reliance, where The Gambia increasingly funds its development priorities through domestically generated resources rather than external aid.

“The vision of every revenue authority is to help build a self-reliant nation,” he stated. “Meaningful development can only be achieved when we mobilize our own domestic revenue and support government in delivering infrastructure, social services, and economic growth. As a country, we can no longer rely solely on donors or external grants. Our reforms are helping The Gambia take greater ownership of its development.”

While commending the dedication and professionalism of GRA staff, the Commissioner General stressed that the Authority’s success would not have been possible without strong political will from the highest levels of government.

“Reforms are never easy,” he explained. “When reforms close leakages and strengthen systems, those who previously benefited from inefficiencies may resist change. That is why political backing is essential. In The Gambia, we are fortunate that the first champions of our reforms are His Excellency the President, the Cabinet, and the entire government.”

Observers note that the record revenue collection highlights the GRA’s growing role as a cornerstone of national development. With stronger systems, enhanced transparency, and sustained reforms, the Authority is now better positioned to support fiscal stability and fund key government programs.

Commissioner General Darboe reaffirmed the GRA’s commitment to deepening digitalization, strengthening institutional integrity, and maintaining transparency in revenue administration. He also emphasized that continued collaboration between the Authority and the government will remain critical in sustaining progress.

“The secret behind the success of the Gambia Revenue Authority is clear,” Darboe concluded. “When reforms are properly explained and supported at the highest level, implementation becomes easier and results follow. With the strong political support we enjoy, we will continue strengthening our systems and contributing meaningfully to The Gambia’s development.”

As the GRA celebrates this historic achievement, the Authority’s performance stands as a powerful testament to the impact of visionary leadership, digital innovation, and firm political support in building a stronger and more resilient Gambian economy.

Tri-vergence or Turmoil? Opposition’s “Harmony Pact” Sparks Questions Ahead of December Showdown

By Yaya Dampha NPP Diaspora Coordinator, Sweden

The recent announcement by six opposition parties in The Gambia that they have signed what they call a “Harmony Pact” under the banner of the Tri-vergence Accord has been presented as a step toward unity ahead of the December 5 presidential election. However, beneath the appealing language of cooperation and good faith lies a number of serious political questions.

At its core, the accord is described as a voluntary and non-binding moral commitment designed to reduce hostility and mistrust among rival camps. Yet the very need for such a pact exposes the deep divisions within the opposition. If genuine trust and shared purpose already existed, there would be no requirement for a formal agreement instructing members and supporters to avoid inflammatory rhetoric.

The pact does not resolve the central issue confronting the opposition: leadership. Multiple presidential aspirants remain in competition, each seeking to secure the coalition ticket. Ambition, ego, and political survival are powerful forces. Without a clear and agreed leadership structure, declarations of harmony risk being symbolic rather than substantive.

Furthermore, the agreement calls on party members and supporters to refrain from incitement and public hostility. However, much of the antagonism in Gambian politics occurs online and at the grassroots level. If party executives truly exercise discipline and command loyalty within their ranks, such hostilities would already be under control. The gap between official pronouncements and the behavior of supporters raises legitimate doubts about enforcement and sincerity.

Another point worth noting is that the pact is not legally binding. It carries no enforceable consequences should any party withdraw or violate its spirit. In a political environment where alliances shift quickly, a moral commitment without institutional safeguards provides little assurance of stability.

While opposition figures continue to criticize the government, they have yet to convincingly articulate a unified alternative program that inspires broad national confidence. Persistent attacks, without a clear and cohesive policy vision, may signal frustration more than readiness to govern.

In contrast, supporters of the remain confident in the record of development and governance delivered to the Gambian people. Elections are ultimately decided not by press statements or symbolic accords, but by credibility, performance, and trust.

The so-called Tri-vergence Accord may represent an attempt at damage control or internal confidence-building. However, unity must be demonstrated through action, clarity of leadership, and consistent messaging—not merely through carefully crafted communiqués.

As the campaign season approaches, Gambians will be watching closely. Whether this pact marks the beginning of genuine convergence or merely reflects coordinated confusion remains to be seen.