Foundation Calls for Urgent Action to Save Hemophilia Patients in Rural Gambia

By Madi S. Njie

Banjul, The Gambia — October 11, 2025:

Rising concerns over inadequate healthcare services and a shortage of trained medical professionals in rural parts of The Gambia were brought to light during the Safe Motherhood and Hemophilia Foundation’s Family Day event held at the Badala Park Hotel.

The event, organized to raise awareness about hemophilia, brought together patients, families, and healthcare stakeholders who discussed the numerous challenges faced by those living with the rare bleeding disorder, particularly in remote areas such as Farafenni, Bansang, and other rural communities across the country, including parts of the Greater Banjul Area.

The tragic death of a hemophilia patient from Farafenni underscored the urgency of the issue. The patient’s mother blamed the loss on inadequate medical attention, explaining that her daughter required specialized care from a hematologist rather than a general surgical procedure. Another parent, Ebrima Top from the Kudang suburbs, also lamented the loss of his child to the same condition.

 “There is a clear shortage of healthcare personnel in these communities,” a foundation representative said, calling on government and health authorities to address the gaps in medical expertise and infrastructure.

Parents of hemophilia patients in rural regions voiced frustration over the lack of medical equipment and limited access to treatment. Currently, the only functional machine for hemophilia testing is located in Banjul, forcing patients to travel long distances for diagnosis and medication.

 “Access to healthcare is extremely limited, and it’s putting lives at risk,” one parent noted, adding that many families struggle financially and emotionally to manage the disorder.

Hemophilia is a genetic bleeding disorder that leads to prolonged bleeding due to insufficient clotting factors in the blood. Managing the condition requires regular clotting factor replacement therapy — a treatment that remains largely unavailable in rural areas.

Mr. Vandy Jayah, President of the Safe Motherhood and Hemophilia Foundation, highlighted ongoing efforts to improve care for hemophilia patients.

 “We’re developing a patient ID system to help healthcare providers better manage cases and ensure timely treatment,” he explained.

The Foundation has also launched a public awareness campaign to dispel misconceptions about hemophilia in The Gambia. Due to limited training, many healthcare workers still fail to identify the condition correctly, often resulting in misdiagnosis or neglect.

 “Hemophilia is real, and people are living with it,” Mr. Jayah emphasized.

Discussions at the event also focused on improving access to medication and service delivery through collaboration with international partners. However, Mr. Jayah admitted that “there is still a long way to go” and called for better documentation and grassroots involvement to address the challenges more effectively.

As part of the awareness activities, the Foundation also organized a Family Fun Day on October 11, giving children with hemophilia the chance to socialize in a safe and supportive environment.

Josephine Touray, Secretary General of the Foundation, stressed the importance of such gatherings in reducing stigma and offering support to families. She also noted significant progress in healthcare access. Previously, patients had to travel to Senegal for testing and treatment, but through the Foundation’s advocacy, a hemophilia testing laboratory has now been established in Banjul, providing local treatment options.

Touray further explained that the Foundation was established by Mr. Jayah after he witnessed a severe bleeding incident involving a patient — an experience that inspired him to take action to improve hemophilia care in the country.

The Foundation continues to collaborate closely with the Gambian government to enhance the management and storage of medical supplies and medication, helping ensure free access to healthcare for hemophilia patients.

In her closing remarks, Touray reminded caregivers and patients of the importance of regular medical check-ups, ideally monthly visits with hematologists, and the need to inform doctors of their condition before undergoing any medical procedure.

Despite notable progress, she acknowledged that significant challenges remain, particularly in rural communities where access to trained specialists and treatment remains scarce.

Mr. Jayah concluded by explaining that hemophilia is an inherited condition, passed genetically from parents to their children.

 “If the father carries the disease, it can be transmitted to the mother, and if the mother possesses it, it can be inherited by the daughter,” he explained.

The Safe Motherhood and Hemophilia Foundation reaffirmed its commitment to improving healthcare for hemophilia patients across The Gambia and ensuring that no one is left behind due to geography or lack of awareness.

Editorial: IMF's Call Reflects Confidence, Not Criticism, in The Gambia’s Reform Path

           

In recent days, sections of the political opposition have sought to portray the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) latest statement as evidence of discontent with the Gambian government. They argue that the IMF’s call for the Anti-Corruption Commission to be operationalised next year shows frustration with the Barrow administration.

However, a closer and more objective reading of the IMF’s remarks reveals a very different picture — one of confidence, partnership, and progress.

IMF Commends The Gambia’s Fiscal and Governance Reforms

After concluding its fourth review mission under The Gambia’s Extended Credit Facility (ECF), the IMF Mission Chief, Eva Jenkner, praised the government for taking “tough steps” in economic and governance reforms. She highlighted strict expenditure control, enhanced resource mobilisation, and substantial results already achieved in 2024.

These are not the words of an institution dissatisfied with its partner. Rather, they reflect the IMF’s recognition of The Gambia’s ongoing efforts to strengthen its economy and governance framework.

Anti-Corruption Commission: A Shared Reform Goal

The IMF’s reference to the Anti-Corruption Commission’s operationalisation should not be misunderstood. This was not a warning or sign of discontent; it was a reminder of a shared commitment — a reform benchmark that The Gambia itself included in its ECF programme.

Having already submitted the shortlist of commissioners to the National Assembly, the next natural step is to make the Commission fully operational. This is part of the government’s own governance agenda, designed to enhance transparency and strengthen public trust.

To interpret this as IMF dissatisfaction is simply inaccurate. The Fund’s tone throughout the statement was constructive and supportive, reflecting its confidence in the government’s reform path.

Remarkable Financial Progress Since 2016

Since 2016, The Gambia has achieved a level of economic turnaround few would have thought possible just a decade ago. Through discipline, reform, and international cooperation, the government has rebuilt an economy once on the brink of collapse.

Some of the major achievements include:

Restored Macroeconomic Stability: The budget deficit has been narrowed, and the debt-to-GDP ratio — once above 120% — has been reduced through restructuring and prudent fiscal management.

Improved Revenue Collection: The Gambia Revenue Authority (GRA) modernisation drive has boosted domestic tax collection through digital systems and customs reform.

Stronger Fiscal Discipline: Expenditure controls and transparent budgeting, guided by the Public Finance Act, have reduced wastage and improved accountability.

Enhanced Governance: The establishment of an independent National Audit Office and progress on the Anti-Corruption Commission show real movement toward stronger institutions.

Social Investment: Despite economic headwinds, spending on education, healthcare, and infrastructure has remained a national priority.

Renewed International Confidence: The Gambia’s consistent success in IMF programme reviews has attracted more donor confidence and development assistance.

These results speak to a government that has not only stabilised the economy but is also laying the foundation for long-term, sustainable growth.

The IMF’s Message Is Clear: Stay the Course

The IMF’s message to The Gambia is not one of criticism — it is one of encouragement. It recognises the hard work already done and urges the government to continue building on these gains by strengthening institutions and maintaining fiscal discipline.

The operationalisation of the Anti-Corruption Commission should therefore be viewed as a milestone in The Gambia’s governance journey — a symbol of progress, not pressure.

Conclusion

The opposition’s attempt to politicise the IMF’s statement misrepresents its true intent. The Fund remains supportive of The Gambia’s reform efforts, impressed by the government’s fiscal discipline, and committed to continued cooperation.

Since 2016, The Gambia has transformed its economic governance, restored international credibility, and positioned itself as a model of reform in West Africa.

At Jarra News TV, we believe the IMF’s statement is a vote of confidence in the government’s direction — not criticism. The message from the IMF is clear and positive: The Gambia is on the right path — and the world is taking notice.

The Fatal Flaw: Why Well-Intentioned African Education Initiatives Repeatedly Fail

   

 

By Lang Fafa Dampha

Introduction : The Contemporary African Paradox

The launch of the African Union’s Decade of Education represents the latest in a long series of ambitious, well-funded, and ostensibly transformative initiatives aimed at addressing the continent’s persistent educational crisis. Yet, despite decades of frameworks, declarations, and action plans, “learning poverty”, defined as the inability of children to read and comprehend a simple text by the age of ten, remains widespread across Africa. The persistence of this challenge is not primarily the result of inadequate investment or insufficient political will. Rather, it reflects a deep-seated structural and conceptual flaw that has consistently undermined reform efforts: the systematic marginalisation of African languages as legitimate mediums of instruction, knowledge production, and intellectual development.

The recent African Union communiqué on the Decade of Education encapsulates this paradox. Although rhetorically rich and aligned with global development discourse, employing terms such as transformation, indigenous knowledge, and teacher professionalism, it remains conceptually weak and strategically incoherent. The absence of a concrete, adequately funded, and institutionalised role for African languages exposes a profound disjuncture between the proclaimed aspirations of educational transformation and the linguistic realities of African societies. Unless African languages are recognised, resourced, and mainstreamed as central instruments of learning, creativity, and cognitive development, the Decade of Education risks reproducing the very epistemic and pedagogical inequalities it claims to address.

1. No Nation Has Ever Developed in a Foreign Tongue

History demonstrates with consistency that no nation or people has ever achieved enduring, self-sustaining development by relying exclusively on the languages and cultures of others. Language is not a neutral instrument; it is the repository of a people’s worldview, epistemology, and modes of reasoning. It encodes collective experience, environmental adaptation, and the conceptual categories through which societies make sense of reality. To abandon one’s language in education and knowledge production is therefore to surrender intellectual agency, and to outsource meaning, creativity, and identity to external frameworks of thought.

The trajectory of global development reveals that linguistic sovereignty is a precondition for genuine modernisation and innovation. Europe’s intellectual transformation during the Renaissance and Enlightenment was not conducted in Latin, the transnational language of medieval scholarship, but in vernaculars : Italian, French, English, German, and Spanish. When Dante Alighieri wrote The Divine Comedy in Italian rather than Latin, he democratised access to knowledge and elevated his vernacular to a medium of philosophy and science. Similarly, the scientific revolutions of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries flourished once scholars began to write and teach in their native tongues, linking abstract inquiry to lived experience (Ngũgĩ 1986).

In East Asia, Japan’s Meiji Restoration exemplifies the transformative power of linguistic ownership. Japan’s rapid industrial and technological modernisation in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was accomplished through an education system firmly grounded in the Japanese language and cultural traditions. While the nation borrowed scientific and technological knowledge from the West, it naturalised these imports within its linguistic and cultural frameworks, ensuring that modernity was appropriated on its own terms. As Kwesi Kwaa Prah (2009) observes, Japan’s success stemmed from its ability to “domesticate modernity” rather than to “imitate the West.” This process was mediated through language, which acted as a filter for knowledge adaptation and indigenisation.

Similarly, China’s contemporary global ascendancy is underpinned by a deliberate linguistic policy that prioritises Mandarin as the medium of instruction, administration, and innovation. Even as China integrates into global networks, it produces scientific research, technological development, and digital innovation primarily in Chinese, translating outward only what it chooses to share. This linguistic self-reliance allows China to control the epistemic terms of its modernisation and to safeguard cultural continuity while participating in global knowledge economies (Heugh 2011).

In contrast, the African continent continues to operate under a system of linguistic dependency, where the languages of colonial powers mediate access to education, governance, and scientific discourse. This dependency perpetuates epistemic subordination and undermines cognitive efficiency. Studies consistently demonstrate that learning in a second or foreign language creates a cognitive barrier that impedes conceptual understanding and critical thinking (Brock-Utne 2010). As a result, Africa’s education systems often produce individuals who are literate in colonial languages but disconnected from their own socio-cultural realities, i.e., functionally educated yet epistemically alienated.

The consequences of this linguistic alienation are profound. A society that thinks, teaches, and innovates in a foreign language internalises external categories of value, progress, and reason. It becomes intellectually dependent, perpetually translating rather than originating ideas. Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o (1986) warns that such “cognitive colonisation” traps entire generations in a borrowed consciousness, unable to generate development paradigms that resonate with local realities. The result is mimicry of progress rather than authentic transformation, a pattern evident in many postcolonial states where policy blueprints, curricula, and institutional designs mirror those of former colonial metropoles.

The link between linguistic sovereignty and national development is therefore neither symbolic nor sentimental; it is structural and cognitive. Every society that has achieved sustained development has done so by building educational, scientific, and technological systems upon its own linguistic foundations. Language is not merely a vehicle for communication; it is a cognitive infrastructure that shapes how problems are identified, analysed, and solved. When education occurs in a foreign language, learners must first negotiate linguistic meaning before engaging with conceptual content, fragmenting cognition and stifling creativity. By contrast, instruction in one’s mother tongue fosters deeper comprehension, analytical precision, and the capacity to innovate from within one’s own epistemic framework (Heugh 2011).

2. Linguistic Neglect as a Symptom of Deeper Structural Problems

The silence on language in the African Union communiqué is symptomatic of a deeper and more entrenched crisis in educational planning, one that manifests in three interrelated structural pathologies: epistemic, pedagogical, and professional. Together, these pathologies expose a persistent disconnect between policy rhetoric and practical reality. While official frameworks are replete with progressive terminology, such as transformation, innovation, and inclusivity, they often lack the epistemological depth and institutional coherence necessary to translate these ideals into practice. Consequently, African education systems remain trapped in a cycle where ambitious declarations are made without addressing the foundational linguistic and cognitive conditions required for meaningful transformation. 

2.1. The Epistemic Contradiction

The initiative, “Transforming Knowledge for Africa’s Future”, aspires to reposition the continent as a producer rather than a consumer of knowledge. However, this aspiration is fundamentally undermined by its linguistic architecture. Knowledge cannot emerge in a linguistic vacuum; it is conceptualised, articulated, and transmitted through language, which serves as both the vessel and the validator of thought. By anchoring the entire educational enterprise in former colonial languages : English, French, Portuguese, and Spanish, the system structurally confines African intellectual production within the epistemic frameworks of its colonial past.

This linguistic dependency reinforces the “cognitive colonisation” of Africa, a condition in which learning becomes an act of translation rather than creation (Ngũgĩ 16). Consequently, African education systems privilege assimilation over innovation, ensuring that the continent remains positioned at the periphery of global knowledge economies. As long as African languages remain excluded from formal domains of learning and scholarship, the aspiration to “transform knowledge” will remain rhetorical, reproducing the same hierarchies it purports to dismantle.

2.2. The Pedagogical Paradox

The communiqué’s emphasis on standardised assessment tools and foundational learning further reveals a deep pedagogical inconsistency. Foundational learning presupposes comprehension, cognitive engagement, and conceptual mastery, all of which depend on linguistic accessibility. Research in cognitive psychology and education confirms that children learn best in their mother tongue, where comprehension is intuitive and cognitive load is minimised (Brock-Utne 2010). Conversely, instruction in a foreign language imposes a dual cognitive burden: learners must first decode an unfamiliar linguistic system before accessing the underlying concept in mathematics, science, or literacy.

This pedagogical misalignment produces what the African Union itself describes as “learning poverty,” a systemic condition where students fail to attain basic literacy and numeracy despite years of schooling. The tragedy is not that African children are incapable of learning, but that the system is designed to make comprehension improbable. By measuring proficiency through foreign linguistic lenses, African education systems institutionalise failure, mistaking linguistic exclusion for intellectual deficiency.

2.3. The Professional Disempowerment of Teachers

The pillar of teacher professionalism, prominently highlighted in the AU communiqué, is rendered hollow by the same linguistic dysfunction. True professionalism presupposes mastery, creativity, and autonomy, qualities that are severely compromised when teachers are compelled to instruct in a language they neither command fluently nor culturally inhabit. A teacher alienated from the medium of instruction cannot exercise independent pedagogical judgment or adapt content to the cognitive realities of their students. Instead, many become script-dependent transmitters, constrained by rote methods and externally imposed curricula.

This dynamic constitutes a form of intellectual alienation, disempowering teachers and diminishing classroom engagement. As Brock-Utne (2010) argues, educators teaching in foreign languages are often reduced to mere functionaries within systems that prioritise conformity over creativity. The consequences are profound: weakened classroom interaction, low morale, and declining learning outcomes. In effect, linguistic exclusion disempowers not only learners but also educators, transforming what should be a profession of creativity into one of compliance.

3. Why the Linguistic Flaw Persists

The persistence of this linguistic paradox is not accidental; it is deeply structurally entrenched and sustained by a convergence of political, economic, and ideological forces. Three interlocking dynamics : the political economy of elites, the tyranny of global benchmarks, and the perceived cost of linguistic complexity, collectively reinforce the dominance of ex-colonial languages in African education systems.

3.1. The Political Economy of Elites

The continued use of former colonial languages in governance and education primarily serves the interests of national elites who inherited and adapted colonial administrative systems to preserve socio-political dominance. Proficiency in these languages functions as a gatekeeping mechanism, defining access to education, employment, and political participation. This creates a self-reinforcing cycle: elites educated in foreign languages reproduce a linguistic hierarchy that privileges them while excluding the majority (Bamgbose 2011).

Such linguistic stratification perpetuates what Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o (1986) calls the “captive mind” syndrome, in which the African elite governs through borrowed epistemologies. Mother-tongue education is often dismissed as parochial or divisive precisely because its success would democratise access to knowledge and erode the symbolic power of linguistic exclusivity that sustains elite dominance.

3.2. The Tyranny of Global Benchmarks

Global and continental frameworks such as Sustainable Development Goal 4 (SDG 4) and Agenda 2063, Aspiration 1, Goal 2, while progressive in their stated intentions, inadvertently reinforce linguistic dependency within African education systems. International education metrics are predominantly designed around standardised assessments conducted in English, French, or Portuguese, privileging comparability over comprehension (Alexander 2005). This creates what Müller (2018) calls the “tyranny of metrics,” in which educational success is evaluated through performance on global tests rather than through evidence of meaningful learning at the national or continental level. Consequently, national education systems often prioritise linguistic conformity and alignment with external standards to attract donor funding and international validation, thereby perpetuating a cycle of dependency that undermines locally grounded educational transformation.

3.3. The Cost of Complexity

Finally, resistance to Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education (MTB-MLE) is frequently justified by the perceived logistical and financial complexity of implementing multilingual systems. While it is true that developing curricula and training teachers across diverse linguistic contexts presents challenges, these difficulties are often overstated to rationalise policy inertia. In practice, maintaining foreign-language systems is far more costly in the long term, as evidenced by persistently high rates of repetition, dropout, and learning failure (Heugh 2011). The argument that multilingual education is prohibitively expensive overlooks the far greater economic, cognitive, and social costs of linguistic exclusion, costs that undermine both educational efficiency and sustainable national development.

4. Towards True Transformation: Building a New Educational Architecture

A genuinely transformative Decade of Education must move beyond the rhetorical inclusion of language and instead reimagine and reconstruct Africa’s educational architecture around principles of linguistic and epistemic sovereignty. This transformation demands more than token references to “indigenous knowledge” or “cultural relevance”; it requires embedding African languages at the core of curriculum design, teacher education, assessment, and research. Language must be understood not merely as a tool of instruction but as the very foundation of knowledge production, cultural continuity, and cognitive development. It is through language that societies define reality, transmit values, and innovate within their own epistemological frameworks. Without linguistic sovereignty, any effort at educational reform risks remaining externally driven and conceptually shallow, producing systems that continue to educate Africans about the world in foreign languages, rather than empowering them to think and create from within their own intellectual and cultural traditions. 

4.1. Pillar 1: Foundational Literacy in the Mother Tongue. 

Foundational education must be firmly rooted in the learner’s first language, as this is the natural medium through which cognition, comprehension, and creativity develop. Evidence from countries such as Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Tanzania demonstrates that children who begin their education in their mother tongue acquire literacy, numeracy, and critical thinking skills more effectively and with greater confidence (Heugh 2011). When learners are taught in a language they understand, they engage more actively, retain knowledge longer, and develop stronger problem-solving abilities.

For the first eight years of schooling, the mother tongue should therefore serve as the principal medium of instruction, supported by a gradual and well-structured transition to bilingual or multilingual proficiency. Such an approach not only enhances academic performance but also nurtures cultural identity, self-esteem, and social cohesion. By grounding foundational education in the languages children speak and think in, African education systems can lay the groundwork for lifelong learning, innovation, and inclusive national development.

4.2. Pillar 2: Curriculum as Cultural Translation. 

A decolonised curriculum must go beyond mere translation of existing content into African languages; it should actively reframe knowledge through African epistemologies, positioning the mother tongue as both the medium and the analytical lens of learning. This approach involves the systematic integration of indigenous knowledge systems, ranging from environmental management practices, traditional medicine, and agricultural techniques to locally grounded mathematical reasoning, into formal educational structures (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2018). By embedding these culturally and contextually rooted forms of knowledge, education becomes a process of cognitive and cultural empowerment, enabling learners to critically engage with global ideas while retaining intellectual sovereignty. Such a curriculum not only validates African ways of knowing but also fosters innovation by connecting abstract concepts to lived experiences and local realities. 

4.3. Pillar 3: Re-Professionalising Teachers. 

Teacher education must prioritise linguistic versatility and cultural competence as core professional competencies. Educators should be trained not only to teach effectively in multiple languages but also to create, adapt, and contextualise pedagogical content in African languages, ensuring that instruction resonates with students’ cultural and cognitive realities (Brock-Utne 2010). This approach empowers teachers to move beyond rote transmission of externally designed curricula, positioning them as active agents of intellectual innovation and knowledge production within their communities. By equipping educators with the skills to integrate local epistemologies, cultural practices, and linguistic nuances into their teaching, the education system fosters a classroom environment where learners engage critically, think creatively, and develop solutions grounded in their own social and cultural contexts.

4.4. Pillar 4: Decolonising Assessment and Digital Learning. 

Assessment frameworks and educational technologies must be fundamentally reimagined to operate in African languages, ensuring genuine cognitive equity and inclusion. When learners are assessed in the languages they understand best, evaluations reflect true comprehension and critical ability rather than linguistic proficiency. Developing testing tools, literacy benchmarks, and evaluation metrics in African languages would therefore align assessment with authentic learning outcomes rather than with colonial linguistic standards. Similarly, digital learning platforms should be deliberately designed to promote multilingual access, participation, and content creation. Embedding African languages within the digital knowledge economy not only broadens access but also ensures that technology becomes a vehicle for linguistic preservation and innovation rather than assimilation. This involves investing in digital localisation, open-source language tools, and online repositories of African knowledge. By making African languages integral to both assessment and digital education, the continent can democratise knowledge production and participation in the global digital sphere, transforming technology from a site of dependency into a platform for epistemic liberation and cultural continuity.

5. Conclusion: Between Liberation and Indoctrination

The African Union stands at a decisive historical juncture. Its educational vision, however ambitious, will remain hollow unless it confronts the foundational epistemic contradiction embedded within Africa’s education systems. The challenge is not one of inadequate resources but of structural design, a system inherited from the colonial enterprise, built not to cultivate autonomous thinkers but to sustain dependency. This architecture produced a narrow elite fluent in colonial languages and a populace alienated from its own linguistic and cultural heritage.

To devalue a child’s language is to devalue the child’s humanity, stripping education of its liberatory potential. True transformation in African education will not emerge from another round of polished declarations or imported policy frameworks, but from a radical reimagining of what it means to know, teach, and learn in African contexts. Until African children are free to think, dream, and create in the languages that carry their histories, emotions, and imaginations, all “bold commitments” to reform will remain rhetorical.

The Decade of Education must therefore mark the beginning of an epistemic revolution, one that recognises language as the foundation of knowledge, not merely a tool for communication. A borrowed language cannot carry the full weight of indigenous thought, nor can it serve as a sustainable vessel for decolonised knowledge production. As Bamgbose (2011) rightly observes, linguistic dependency ensures that Africa remains a consumer of ideas rather than their producer, perpetually confined within paradigms that privilege imitation over invention.

The historical record is unequivocal: no civilisation has ever achieved sustainable progress by negating its own language. Europe’s intellectual and scientific revolutions began when scholars turned from Latin to their vernaculars. Similarly, Asia’s rise, exemplified by Japan and China, was rooted in linguistic sovereignty and cultural self-definition. Africa’s renaissance will likewise depend on reclaiming its linguistic autonomy, not as a symbolic act of cultural pride but as a structural prerequisite for epistemic freedom, cognitive empowerment, and sustainable development.

Only when Africa educates its children in the languages that embody its collective memory and imagination will the continent move from indoctrination to liberation, transforming education from an instrument of dependency into a vehicle for genuine intellectual and human emancipation.

Bibliograpy

Alexander, Neville. Language Policy and National Unity in South Africa/Azania. Buchu Books, 2005.

Bamgbose, Ayo. Language and Exclusion: The Consequences of Language Policies in Africa. Lit Verlag, 2011.

Brock-Utne, Birgit. Language and Ideology in Education: The Case of Africa. African Minds, 2010.

Heugh, Kathleen. Theory and Practice in Language Education in Africa: Multilingual Education for All. UNESCO, 2011.

Müller, Jerry Z. The Tyranny of Metrics. Princeton University Press, 2018.

Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o. Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature. Heinemann, 1986.

Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J. Epistemic Freedom in Africa: Deprovincialization and Decolonization. Routledge, 2018.

Prah, Kwesi Kwaa. Mother Tongue for Scientific and Technological Development in Africa. CASAS, 2009.

UNESCO. If You Don’t Understand, How Can You Learn? Global Education Monitoring Report, Policy Paper 24. UNESCO, 2016.

About the author

Dr. Lang Fafa Dampha is a scholar and cultural advocate with a Doctorate in English Studies (Civilisation, Society, and Culture) from the University of Paris IV-Sorbonne. He has an extensive academic background, having taught Legal English (Law and Politics - UK/USA) at the University of Paris 2, Panthéon Assas, Introduction to Banking and Finance, the Stock Market, and the History of Economic Thought at the University of Paris 8, Saint-Denis, and English for Economic and Social Administration at the University of Paris 13, Villetaneuse.

From August 2015 to May 2025, Dr. Dampha served as Executive Secretary of the African Academy of Languages (ACALAN), a specialised institution of the African Union based in Bamako, Mali, dedicated to promoting the use and development of African languages. He also held the position of Interim Director of the African Centre for the Study and Research on Migration from March 2021 to October 2022, another AU specialised agency focused on migration governance and research.

He is currently serving as Executive Director of the Pan-African Centre for Cultures and Languages, (PACCL) an initiative committed to advancing African cultures and languages as instruments for social transformation and sustainable development across Africa and its diaspora.

West Coast Referees Association Pays Courtesy Call on GFF PresidentBy JarranewsTV Staff Reporter

The West Coast Regional Football Referees Association on Friday paid a courtesy visit to the President of the Gambia Football Federation (GFF), Mr. Lamin Kaba Bajo, at the Football House in Kanifing. The visit followed the recent passing of the Association’s former president, Kebba Bojang (Lalas).

During the meeting, the Association’s new president, Mr. Alhagie Fatty, formally introduced his executive members to President Bajo and outlined the Association’s plans for the continued development of refereeing in the region.

The President of the West Coast Regional Football Association, Mr. Bakary Bojang, commended the referees’ body for its achievements in capacity-building initiatives, including referee training and other technical programs. He expressed appreciation to GFF President Bajo for fostering an environment that enables the Association to realize its goals.

Mr. Fatty also extended gratitude to President Bajo for his ongoing support, particularly in facilitating training programs for referees. He reaffirmed his commitment to advancing the standards of officiating in the West Coast Region.

In response, President Bajo congratulated the new executive for its efforts in enhancing the professionalism of referees. He assured the Association of the GFF’s continued support toward the development of refereeing both within The Gambia and internationally.

The West Coast Regional Football Referees Association operates under the Regional Football Association and has trained over 200 referees who officiate in local competitions. The Association categorizes its members into three levels — Elite A, Elite B, and Elite C — based on experience and qualifications.

THE FACTS MUST PREVAIL: EXPOSING FALSEHOODS AND MISINFORMATION BY DR. MANNEH AND GAGIGO

By Yaya Dampha

NPP Diaspora Coordinator – Sweden

It have been brought to my attention that  the fifth columnist Dr. Lamin Manneh and Gagigo were busy spewing falsification and fabrications on Kerr Fatou. I have listened to the two politically disoriented doctors and see the need for setting the records right. 

As The Gambia moves toward another election year, truth and facts must guide our national conversation. Unfortunately, recent remarks by Dr. Lamin Manneh and Dr. Ousman Gajigo on the Kerr Fatou platform—claiming that the 2021 Presidential Election was “stolen” and that “300,000 votes were blocked”—are dangerous fabrications meant to mislead the public and erode confidence in our democratic institutions. These claims crumble under scrutiny and verifiable evidence.

Transparent Counting, Public Oversight

The Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) conducted one of the most transparent elections in Gambian history. Votes were counted on the spot at every polling station in the presence of party agents, national and international observers, the media, and the public. Every political party, including the UDP, had accredited agents who signed official result sheets before transmission.

This on-the-spot counting system—unique to The Gambia—makes the idea of mass vote tampering impossible without the collusion of thousands of officials, party agents, and observers. No such collusion was ever alleged, let alone proven.

Observer Reports Confirm Credibility

All credible observation missions—the European Union (EU), African Union (AU), ECOWAS, Commonwealth, and The Gambia’s own CSO Coalition on Elections—declared the election peaceful, transparent, and credible.

The EU Observation Mission commended the IEC for “transparent counting and prompt announcement of results.”

The AU Mission described the vote as “calm, orderly, and professionally managed.”

The CSO Coalition reported “no evidence of systemic irregularities.”

When every major observer mission independently validates the same result, conspiracy theories lose all credibility.

The “300,000 Blocked Votes” Claim  Is Baseless

The allegation that 300,000 Gambians were blocked from voting is mathematically impossible and legally unfounded. The IEC published the voter register well in advance, allowing parties to verify every entry. No formal complaint or court filing ever cited mass disenfranchisement.

Moreover, the gap between registered voters and turnout is normal—many Gambians vote only in presidential elections, not in local or parliamentary contests. That pattern explains turnout differences, not any imagined “vote blocking.”

NPP’s Mandate Is Broad and Genuine

The NPP’s victory was not confined to one region or group—it was nationwide. The party went on to secure a majority in the National Assembly and performed strongly across the country. UDP’s limited local gains in some urban councils reflect local dynamics, not national dominance. Gambians voted for President Adama Barrow and the NPP because they saw tangible progress and credible leadership, not because of manipulation.

Demand Evidence or Retract Lies

Dr. Manneh and Dr. Gajigo, as educated citizens, owe Gambians proof—not propaganda. If they genuinely believe in their claims, they should present signed polling-station records, witness statements, or formal IEC complaints. So far, they have produced none.

Spreading falsehoods without evidence is intellectual dishonesty and political irresponsibility. At a time when unity and stability are vital, such conduct risks undermining public trust and national peace.

Conclusion

The 2021 Presidential Election was conducted openly, transparently, and credibly, witnessed by the world. The so-called “rigging” narrative is a fiction born of political frustration, not fact. Gambians must reject this misinformation and defend the integrity of our democracy.

Truth, not propaganda, will shape The Gambia’s future. The people spoke clearly in 2021—and their choice must continue to be respected. In the same vein the mighty NPP is set to defeat your parties hands down in the 2026 Presidential Election. You must accept democracy and tell the world that the Gambian votes rejected your party base. 

Long live The Gambia. Long live our democracy.

Yaya Dampha

NPP Diaspora Coordinator – Sweden

Lamin Kabba Bajo to Lead FIFA Grassroots and Amateur Football Committee

    

FIFA has appointed Lamin Kabba Bajo, President of the Gambia Football Federation (GFF), as Chair of its Grassroots and Amateur Football Committee for the 2025–2029 term — a milestone moment for Gambian and African football.

This appointment makes Bajo the first Gambian ever to head a FIFA Standing Committee, highlighting his growing influence in international football leadership. The committee plays a crucial role in shaping the foundation of the global game — nurturing participation, development, and inclusivity from community-level football to professional stages.

Under Bajo’s leadership, Gambian football has undergone a remarkable transformation. Over the past decade, he has championed youth development, guided the national team — the Scorpions — to consecutive Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) finals, and strengthened local football structures.

“The appointment reflects Mr. Bajo’s unmatched commitment to developing Gambian football from the grassroots to the elite level,” the GFF said in an official statement. “His leadership has been instrumental in achieving sustained progress across all levels of the game.”

Beyond his GFF presidency, Bajo serves as head of the West African Football Union (WAFU) Zone A and has been a member of FIFA’s Players’ Status Chamber since 2021, where he helps regulate player transfers and eligibility.

Though Gambians have previously served on FIFA panels, this chairmanship represents a new era of African participation in global football governance — one that many see as a catalyst for further investment in grassroots football across the continent.

Self Claimed Manding King Denies Role in Jammeh’s Asset Sales

BANJUL – The National Assembly’s Special Select Committee probing the sale and disposal of assets linked to former President Yahya Jammeh heard fresh testimony on Tuesday, as prominent cattle dealer Amadou Kora took the stand to deny involvement in the controversial transactions.

Mr. Kora, who was alleged to have played a role in the valuation and auction of Jammeh’s cattle, faced tough questions from lawmakers determined to clarify his connection to the sale.

Testifying before the Committee, Mr. Kora acknowledged being present during the process but insisted that his participation was strictly observational.

“I was just there as an observer during the process,” he stated, firmly rejecting claims that he either managed or purchased any of the livestock.

Despite his explanation, Committee members pressed him on why a private cattle dealer was allowed to attend a state-managed auction without an official assignment. The exchange renewed concerns about transparency and the handling of the former president’s seized assets.

According to earlier reports, Mr. Kora’s name had surfaced in documents from the Janneh Commission, which oversaw the valuation and sale of livestock confiscated from Jammeh’s Kanilai farms and other holdings.

The ongoing parliamentary inquiry seeks to uncover any irregularities, favoritism, or undervaluation in the disposal of Jammeh’s vast assets. The proceedings have reignited public debate on accountability and the lingering influence of the Jammeh era.

The Committee is expected to hear from additional witnesses in the coming weeks as it continues to examine what many observers describe as “the hidden chapter” of the Janneh Commission’s implementation.

"GFF Engages CAF President Motsepe at WAFU-A Zonal Meeting in Kinshasa”

On the eve of the 47th CAF Ordinary General Assembly, slated for 6 October 2025 in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo, top officials from West African football converged for a crucial WAFU-A zonal meeting with CAF President Dr. Patrice Motsepe. 

Representing The Gambia Football Federation (GFF) were the author and Executive Committee member Ismaila Ceesay, who also serves as President of the School Football Association. They joined the leaders of the nine WAFU-A member associations in presenting regional reports, discussing challenges, and aligning on future priorities. 

Focus of the Meeting: Achievements and Challenges

The meeting centered on two broad themes:

1. Progress within WAFU-A

Member associations reported on developments in youth football, school-level competitions, coaching and referee capacity building, and grassroots development. In his presentation, the Gambian delegation highlighted standout accomplishments such as strong performances in the African Schools Football Championship, youth national team campaigns, and various training and development initiatives at home.

2. Persistent Obstacles

Several pressing constraints were brought to light. Foremost among them were the inability of some national teams to host home matches (often due to infrastructure or logistical limitations) and the chronic underfunding of national teams. These challenges, the Gambian delegation argued, hamper continuity and progress.

During the dialogue, the GFF representative extended a formal invitation to Dr. Motsepe to visit The Gambia (“the Smiling Coast of West Africa”), an invitation the CAF President accepted. In addition, the Gambian side urged that CAF consider offering more direct financial support to national associations, especially in easing the burden of team funding.

CAF & WAFU-A: A Broader Context

The 47th CAF Assembly offers a pivotal moment for African football governance. It brings together presidents of all 54 CAF member associations and representatives from the continental zonal unions to chart strategic direction.  Prior to the main session in Kinshasa, each of the six CAF “zones” (including WAFU-A) held preparatory meetings to ensure that regional priorities and challenges are represented in the continental agenda. 

During the WAFU-A meeting, Mustapha I. Raji, WAFU-A Vice President and President of the Liberia Football Association (standing in for WAFU-A President Lamin Kaba Bajo), praised Dr. Motsepe’s leadership and CAF’s ongoing investments in member associations. He noted that under his stewardship, the CAF Impact Program and other outreach initiatives have strengthened ties between CAF and regional federations. 

In response, Dr. Motsepe commended WAFU-A’s efforts, emphasizing the importance of local development, self-sustaining national structures, and giving national teams the opportunity to play on home soil. 

What This Means for Gambian Football

Greater Visibility & Networking: The Gambian presence at this high-level zonal meeting gives GFF a seat at the table, ensuring that its challenges and successes are heard by CAF leadership and regional peers.

Potential for Enhanced Support: The direct invitation to Dr. Motsepe to visit The Gambia could pave the way for closer collaboration or targeted developmental assistance from CAF.

Pressure to Address Structural Gaps: By spotlighting infrastructure, match-hosting capability, and funding deficits, the Gambian delegation is signaling where reforms and investment are most needed.

Regional Coordination: Through WAFU-A, The Gambia stands to benefit from regional support, knowledge-sharing, and cooperative programs implemented across neighboring associations.

Conclusion

The WAFU-A zonal meeting before the CAF Congress represents more than just formal protocol—it is a strategic forum where local aspirations, practical constraints, and continental resources must align. The Gambian delegation, by articulating its achievements and candidly addressing its challenges, has positioned itself as both a partner and a stakeholder in the success of African football.

A Giant of Leadership: Hon. Maimuna Ceesay Darboe and the Historic Triumph of the NPP Diaspora

The story of progress and resilience within the National People’s Party (NPP) continues to be written in golden letters — and one of its most luminous chapters was inked on the 4th of October 2025 in Banyoles, Spain. Under the sterling leadership of Hon. Maimuna Ceesay Darboe, the NPP Diaspora Secretary and a nominated Member of the Gambian Parliament, the NPP Diaspora members achieved an extraordinary milestone by raising an astounding €285,800 in their first-ever Diaspora Fundraising Event.

This was not merely a fundraising success — it was a statement of unity, patriotism, and unwavering commitment to national development. It was the clearest testament yet that the NPP, under the visionary guidance of President Adama Barrow, commands genuine loyalty and support far beyond the shores of The Gambia.

Hon. Maimuna Ceesay Darboe stands as a towering symbol of dedication, discipline, and transformative leadership. Her organizational prowess and passion for service continue to inspire both men and women within and beyond the party. As a leader of exceptional calibre, she has redefined what it means to be a Diaspora representative — turning vision into action, and action into impact.

Supported by the First and Second Vice Presidents of the NPP, Hon. Demba Sabally and Hon. Abdoulie Suku Singhateh, this historic initiative shattered long-standing narratives. For years, the opposition UDP claimed dominance over the Gambian Diaspora community. But this resounding success by the NPP has dispelled that illusion once and for all — proving that the heart of the Gambian Diaspora beats in harmony with the NPP’s mission of national unity, progress, and prosperity.

This event was more than a fundraiser; it was a demonstration of faith — faith in leadership, in the party’s vision, and in The Gambia’s brighter future. Under Hon. Maimuna Ceesay Darboe’s stewardship, the NPP Diaspora has shown that where there is purpose and integrity, there is always success.

Indeed, Hon. Maimuna Ceesay Darboe has cemented her place as one of the giants of Gambian politics, a woman whose leadership continues to inspire generations and strengthen the foundation of the National People’s Party at home and abroad. Her triumph in Bayoles is not just a victory for the NPP — it is a victory for all Gambians who believe in progress, peace, and collective prosperity.

Education, Competence, and National Development: A Critical Analysis of Political Rhetoric

Political rhetoric is a powerful force in shaping public perception and the culture of governance, particularly in small and/or fragile democracies where it can either strengthen institutions or erode public trust. A recurring and potent feature of this discourse is the widespread conflation of formal education with leadership competence. This paper examines this relationship, arguing that the tendency to use academic credentials as a proxy for governing ability is a limited and misleading perspective. While education undeniably provides valuable knowledge and analytical skills, effective leadership requires a broader set of qualities, including strategic judgment, emotional intelligence, and the capacity to unite diverse constituencies under a common vision.

This analysis is situated within the telling context of African political history, which offers poignant illustrations of this complexity. The continent has witnessed leaders with modest formal schooling who demonstrated exceptional political skill and stewardship, while others with extensive academic pedigrees presided over profound governance failures. This historical record suggests that the equation of education with competence is fundamentally unstable.

A further critical dimension that disrupts this equation is the pervasive challenge of corruption. Corruption acts as a corrosive force that not only impedes institutional effectiveness but also actively undermines the personal development of citizens by limiting opportunities for social mobility, economic advancement, and meaningful civic engagement. By eroding public trust, fostering inequality, and misallocating national resources, corruption prevents the state from harnessing the full potential of its human capital. Therefore, any discussion of leadership competence must also contend with the reality that even the most educated leadership is rendered ineffective in a system where corruption flourishes, ultimately stunting national development. This paper will argue that a redefinition of competence, one that moves beyond university degrees and diplomas to encompass integrity, practical wisdom, and a commitment to the public good, is essential for progress.

Civility, Institutional Legitimacy, and the Corruption of Discourse

A cornerstone of a healthy political culture is the civility with which debates are conducted. Civil political exchange requires that disagreements remain focused on the merits of ideas and policies rather than devolving into personal attacks. When discourse shifts toward personal comparisons, such as claims of intellectual or educational superiority, it reduces complex governance debates to interpersonal rivalries. From a professional standpoint, political actors are expected to frame arguments in ways that promote accountability, dialogue, and constructive problem-solving. This professional ethic is vital, as a focus on personal attacks displaces the focus on governance outcomes, leading to diminished public confidence in political actors and a cynical, disengaged citizenry (Mutua 45).¹

This erosion of civility is intrinsically linked to the undermining of institutional legitimacy. In a functioning democratic system, criticism of leadership is not only legitimate but necessary. However, this criticism must operate within conventions of respect for the office of the presidency and, crucially, for the discernment of the electorate. Dismissing a leader's competence solely on educational grounds does more than question an individual; it implicitly undermines the judgment of the citizens who elected them. This tactic erodes the foundational legitimacy of democratic institutions by suggesting that the public's choice was inherently unqualified, thereby weakening the social contract between the state and its people (Gyimah-Boadi 210).²

The corrosive impact of corruption exacerbates this dynamic profoundly. When leaders engage in unethical practices, they demonstrate a fundamental disregard for both institutional norms and public welfare. This behaviour creates a vicious cycle: corruption breeds public cynicism, which in turn fosters a more hostile and personalistic political discourse, as trust in the system's ability to self-correct evaporates. The debate is no longer about which leader has better policies, but about which is the lesser of two evils, further weakening civic trust and destabilising the very foundations of democratic governance.

Education, Competence, and Corruption: Disentangling Concepts for a Global Governance Challenge

The prevailing tendency to equate education with governing competence represents a conceptually flawed paradigm. While formal education, understood as the attainment of academic credentials, is an undeniably valuable resource for developing analytical skills, true competence in governance extends far beyond the classroom. Effective leadership is multifaceted. It requires strategic judgment, the ability to anticipate long-term challenges, and the foresight to craft sustainable policies. It also relies on emotional intelligence, which enables leaders to manage conflict, foster cooperation, and remain composed in high-pressure political contexts. Equally important is coalition-building, the skill of uniting diverse ethnic, economic, and social groups behind a shared national vision. Ultimately, policy effectiveness, reflected in tangible improvements in security, health, and economic well-being for citizens, provides the most reliable measure of success. In short, political competence cannot be reduced to levels of formal schooling. As history demonstrates, leaders may be highly educated yet profoundly ineffective, while others with more modest academic backgrounds have proven remarkably capable stewards of national progress (Mazrui 78).³

This misidentification of competence often creates a governance vacuum in which corruption flourishes. Leaders appointed for their credentials but lacking practical governance skills, ethical grounding, or a service-oriented mindset are more vulnerable to misusing public office for personal or factional gain. Such conduct systematically undermines development goals by diverting resources away from critical sectors such as infrastructure, education, and healthcare into private or partisan interests. The consequences are twofold: governance becomes less effective in meeting citizens’ needs, and individuals are denied opportunities for personal and economic advancement. This generates a vicious cycle where talent and initiative are devalued in favor of patronage and cronyism.

It is important to recognise that this corrosive dynamic is not confined to Africa or any particular region but reflects a pervasive international phenomenon. Corruption is a global challenge that transcends political systems and levels of economic development, from fragile democracies to advanced industrial nations. Its mechanisms : bribery, embezzlement, and state capture, are universal, and its consequences are equally devastating: the erosion of public trust, the distortion of fair markets, and the entrenchment of inequality. Combating corruption therefore requires more than strong national institutions such as independent judiciaries and a free press. It also depends on international cooperation to curb illicit financial flows, close tax havens, and strengthen anti–money laundering frameworks. No single nation is immune, and confronting this threat is a shared global imperative for achieving sustainable and equitable development worldwide.

Competence Beyond Credentials: Global Evidence

The conceptual distinction between formal education and effective leadership is borne out by historical examples across Africa and the wider world. These cases consistently demonstrate that strategic vision, political acumen, and integrity often matter more than academic pedigrees.

In Mozambique, Samora Machel exemplified competence without extensive formal schooling. Educated through mission schools and later trained as a nurse, Machel’s professional exposure to colonial inequities radicalised him and shaped his political vision. Rising swiftly through the ranks of the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO), he became its leader in 1970 and guided the country to independence in 1975. As president, he prioritised literacy, social justice, and national unity, demonstrating a profound capacity for post-conflict governance and nation-building (Newitt 134).⁴ 

Similarly, in Burkina Faso, Thomas Sankara’s background was primarily military rather than academic. During his presidency from 1983 to 1987, Sankara implemented sweeping reforms in public health, women’s empowerment, and environmental conservation. His governance, defined by integrity and a charismatic ability to inspire collective sacrifice, showcased a potent form of competence rooted in tangible progress and anti-corruption (Harsch 59).⁵

This pattern is also evident in the case of Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya. Though he pursued studies in London without completing a degree, Kenyatta used his political skills to navigate complex independence negotiations and later stabilised a new nation marked by ethnic and political divisions. His leadership was grounded in pragmatism, negotiation, and coalition-building, rather than academic prestige (Anderson 188).⁶

Beyond Africa, global history provides compelling parallels. Winston Churchill in the United Kingdom, though educated at the elite Harrow School, struggled academically and never distinguished himself as a scholar. His competence derived instead from unmatched oratory, strategic foresight in recognising the threat of Nazi Germany, and the resolve to rally Britain through World War II. 

Other examples reinforce this pattern. In Brazil, Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva, who never completed higher education and began as a factory worker, presided over a period of significant poverty reduction and economic growth. 

In the United States, Abraham Lincoln, with less than a year of formal schooling, became one of the most revered presidents in history, guiding the country through the Civil War and laying the foundations for the abolition of slavery. 

In India, Lal Bahadur Shastri, despite his modest education, is remembered for integrity and decisive leadership during the 1965 Indo-Pakistan War and for advancing food self-sufficiency.

Taken together, these diverse examples underscore that competence in governance derives more from vision, pragmatism, ethical commitment, and political skill than from academic credentials. Leaders who embody integrity and practical wisdom are also less likely to engage in corrupt practices, thereby creating stable and transparent conditions in which citizens can develop their own capacities, pursue education, and participate fully in national development.

Counterexamples: Education Without Competence

Conversely, African history also provides instructive cases of leaders who possessed considerable formal education but presided over profound governance failures. Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, despite holding multiple university degrees, led a regime marked by entrenched corruption, systematic political repression, and prolonged economic collapse. Yet Zimbabwe’s difficulties were not solely the result of domestic mismanagement, they were also shaped by international dynamics, particularly sanctions and widespread opposition to his controversial land reform programme, which deepened the nation’s economic isolation and decline. Similarly, Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo), who received extensive military and administrative training, ruled for decades through a kleptocratic system that siphoned national wealth and crippled long-term development prospects.(Meredith 276).⁷ These cases illustrate that academic achievement, while useful, is no guarantee of political competence or ethical stewardship.

The same dynamic is observable globally. In Latin America, Alberto Fujimori of Peru, trained as a mathematician and engineer, initially gained credibility for stabilising the economy but later undermined democratic institutions through authoritarian rule and corruption. Fernando Collor de Mello of Brazil, also university-educated, resigned in disgrace amid major corruption scandals. In Asia, Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines, a trained lawyer, presided over two decades of martial law, cronyism, and massive embezzlement that hollowed out the nation’s democratic and economic foundations. In Eastern Europe, Viktor Yanukovych of Ukraine, though formally educated, was ousted after mass protests against his kleptocratic and authoritarian practices. Even in advanced democracies, leaders with elite academic pedigrees have presided over financial crises or engaged in unethical conduct, underscoring the limits of education as a safeguard against poor governance.

Taken together, these examples highlight a common truth: the harm caused by poor leadership is magnified when formal education is paired with corruption and a lack of practical competence, just as the benefits of strong leadership can emerge even in the absence of elite academic training. Competence must therefore be measured not by diplomas but by tangible governance outcomes: sustainable economic growth, political stability, equitable public service delivery, and strengthened civic trust. A leader’s legacy is ultimately defined by their capacity to improve the welfare of their people, a standard that transcends education and applies across all regions of the world.

Implications for National Development

The conflation of educational attainment with governing competence carries profound and detrimental implications for national development. Sustainable progress is not merely an economic phenomenon; it is fundamentally predicated on public trust, social consensus, and robust institutional stability. Political discourse that simplistically reduces leadership capacity to academic credentials risks exacerbating societal polarisation and undermining the collaborative spirit essential for collective problem-solving. This reductive rhetoric diverts public attention from substantive debate over critical policy areas, such as economic reform, infrastructure modernisation, and social welfare, and channels political energy into unproductive, adversarial confrontations over qualifications rather than results (Gyimah-Boadi 212).⁸

Furthermore, the negative consequences of this flawed paradigm are severely compounded by corruption. When corrupt practices permeate governance, they systematically obstruct the personal development of citizens by diverting essential public resources away from education, healthcare, and infrastructure. This misallocation creates a vicious cycle: citizens are deprived of opportunities for skill acquisition and socioeconomic mobility, which in turn cripples the nation's human capital development and erodes its long-term economic competitiveness on the global stage.

In contrast, nations led by individuals who embody a broader, more substantive competence, defined by strategic vision, ethical integrity, and practical effectiveness, tend to foster environments where both institutions and individuals can flourish. Such leaders prioritise the creation of transparent systems and equitable opportunities, thereby enabling citizens to realise their full potential. This contrast underscores the inextricable link between holistic leadership competence and sustainable national development, demonstrating that true progress is achieved not by the most credentialed leaders, but by the most capable and principled ones.

Conclusion: Redefining the Metrics of Leadership

This analysis affirms the critical importance of distinguishing between formal education and genuine competence in political leadership. While educational attainment provides a valuable foundation of knowledge, it constitutes neither the sole nor the most reliable predictor of a leader's effectiveness. The historical record, particularly within the African context, offers compelling evidence: visionary figures such as Samora Machel, Thomas Sankara, and Jomo Kenyatta, despite their modest formal schooling, demonstrated an exceptional capacity for nation-building and progressive reform. Their successes were rooted in practical wisdom, strategic vision, and the ability to inspire collective action.

Conversely, the tenures of certain highly educated leaders have been marred by severe economic crises, systematic institutional decay, and deeply entrenched corrupt practices. This stark contrast definitively illustrates that academic credentials are no guarantee of ethical governance or sound judgment. The ultimate measure of leadership, therefore, must be grounded in tangible outcomes and normative principles.

Sustainable national progress depends less on the diplomas of its leaders and more on their demonstrable ability to unite diverse constituencies, exercise foresight in policy formulation, govern with unwavering integrity, and implement robust systems to minimise corruption. A society that prioritises these broader competencies over mere academic pedigree fosters an environment where both individual potential and collective national aspirations can truly flourish.

Bibliograpgy

Anderson, David. Histories of the Hanged: The Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire. W.W. Norton, 2005.

Biney, Ama. The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah. Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.

Gyimah-Boadi, E. “The Rebirth of African Democracy.” Journal of Democracy, vol. 23, no. 3, 2012, pp. 210–216.

Harsch, Ernest. Thomas Sankara: An African Revolutionary. Ohio University Press, 2014.

Mazrui, Ali A. Political Values and the Educated Class in Africa. University of California Press, 1978.

Meredith, Martin. The State of Africa: A History of Fifty Years of Independence. Free Press, 2005.

Mutua, Makau. Human Rights NGOs in East Africa: Political and Normative Tensions. Harvard Law Review, 1999.

Newitt, Malyn. A History of Mozambique. Indiana University Press, 1995.

Footnotes

1. Makau Mutua has argued that professionalism in politics demands a focus on governance structures rather than personal rivalries, and that personal attacks erode democratic culture.

2. E. Gyimah-Boadi emphasizes that respect for democratic institutions is foundational to long-term political stability in Africa.

3. Ali Mazrui distinguishes between “learnedness” and “competence,” noting that the educated class in Africa has not always delivered effective governance.

4. Samora Machel’s early policies prioritised literacy, showing that competence in governance often transcends academic background.

5. Sankara’s reforms remain a benchmark in African political history for their breadth and ambition despite his limited academic education.

6. Jomo Kenyatta’s pragmatic leadership stabilised Kenya in the early years of independence, even as critics pointed to authoritarian tendencies.

7. Martin Meredith documents how education did not prevent Mugabe or Mobutu from presiding over devastating governance failures.

8. Gyimah-Boadi warns that when leaders resort to personalised politics, consensus-based development strategies suffer.

GPF Suspends and Detains Four Officers Pending Coroner’s Inquest

By Jarranews Staff Reporter

The Gambia Police Force (GPF) has confirmed the suspension and detention of four officers linked to the recent incident involving the late Omar Badjie.

According to a statement issued by the GPF, the officers were arrested on September 28, 2025, and remain in custody as the State prepares to convene an independent Coroner’s Inquest into the matter.

A postmortem examination was conducted by a pathologist in the presence of relevant stakeholders to establish the cause of death. The body was subsequently released to Mr. Badjie’s family for burial on October 1, 2025.

The police pledged a thorough and impartial investigation, emphasizing that justice will be pursued and that any officer found culpable will face the full weight of the law.

The GPF further assured the public that additional updates will be provided as the inquiry moves forward.

PACCL Tutorial Academy Launches Leadership Development Programme to Empower Future Leaders

The PACCL Tutorial Academy has unveiled its Leadership Development Programme, an initiative designed to nurture the next generation of leaders while also supporting the ongoing growth of current leadership figures.

The programme aims to create a comprehensive leadership pipeline by offering interactive tutorial sessions that cover an array of vital subjects. These include Leadership, Cultures and Languages, Pan-Africanism, Management and Administration, and Sustainable Development. Each session is facilitated by a diverse team of expert tutors, ensuring that participants benefit from a rich and well-rounded learning experience.

At the heart of the initiative lies a dedicated platform launched by PACCL, which serves as a hub for young people eager to sharpen their leadership skills. This platform fosters collaboration, dialogue, and mentorship, enabling participants to connect, share experiences, and build networks that will serve them well into the future.

The Leadership Development Programme is delivered by the Language Documentation, Editing, Teaching, Training and Translation Services (LDETTS) branch of PACCL, highlighting the organisation’s commitment to education, cultural exchange, and capacity-building across communities.

With its strong focus on Pan-African values and sustainable development, the programme is not only shaping leaders but also cultivating socially conscious visionaries ready to make a lasting impact.

A Rebuttal to Hon. Alimameh Gibba’s Hypocrisy on Rights and Freedom

By Yaya Dampha NPP Diaspora Coordinator

 Alimameh Gibba, your recent attempts to cloak yourself as an advocate of rights and freedom are not only hypocritical but also insulting to the memory of countless Gambians—particularly from your own constituency—who suffered and died under Yahya Jammeh’s brutal rule while you sat comfortably in Parliament, silent and complicit.

You now speak of “silencing opposition” and “the voice of the masses,” but where was your voice when Yahya Jammeh’s regime turned Foni Kansala into a killing field and a burial ground for his Junglers? Did you speak for the late Chief Momodou Lamin Nyass, Bubai Sanyang, Ndongo Boob, Macie Jammeh, Jasija Kujabi, Dawda Nyassi, and many other sons of Foni who were arrested, disappeared, or executed in cold blood? Not once did you stand in Parliament to condemn those atrocities. Not once did you demand answers for the families whose loved ones vanished into Jammeh’s torture chambers.

You were not only silent—you were an enabler. As a National Assembly Member under Jammeh, you voted to grant him unconstitutional powers that entrenched his dictatorship. When the Gambian people courageously voted Jammeh out in 2016, you were among those who disgracefully endorsed his declaration of a state of emergency—a desperate, illegal attempt to overturn the sovereign will of the Gambian people. You wanted Jammeh to cling to power even after the ballot had rejected him. That is not the behavior of a defender of rights and democracy; it is the record of a loyal bootlicker of tyranny.

Today you cry foul about “foreign military presence” and “unresolved killings,” but during Jammeh’s reign, when Senegalese, Bissau-Guinean, and other mercenaries were used by Jammeh himself to terrorize Gambians, you saw no problem. You never raised your voice when Jammeh’s hit squads—the Junglers—operated with impunity, executing Gambians and foreigners alike and burying them in Foni’s forests. If those forests could speak, they would indict you and your colleagues for your silence.

You talk of accountability, but you sat in a Parliament that rubber-stamped Jammeh’s looting of state resources, his abuse of public lands, and his illegal expropriation of Gambian citizens’ properties. You did not object when Jammeh and his cronies siphoned millions through shady deals and bogus grants. Instead, you cheered him on.

Your sudden concern for “freedom of debate” in the National Assembly is nothing but opportunism. Rights and freedom are not garments you wear when convenient and discard when your master demands loyalty. They are principles—principles you betrayed at every turn when Gambians needed leaders to stand against dictatorship.

You say you cannot be silenced. But in truth, you silenced yourself for over two decades when your people bled the most. That silence was not the silence of courage, but of cowardice and complicity.

So spare Gambians your crocodile tears about democracy and accountability. You forfeited the moral right to speak about human rights the day you chose to protect Jammeh’s tyranny over the lives of your own constituents. You remain, to this day, a shameless relic of that dark chapter—a man who stood on the side of oppression when the Gambian people cried for justice.

The people of Foni Kansala, and The Gambia at large, deserve better than your hypocrisy.