Opinion: Their Own Worst Enemy: When the Minority Defines the Majority

By SutayKuta Sanneh UK

They say perception can be more powerful than truth—and for the United Democratic Party (UDP), that perception is becoming its greatest political liability.

For years, the UDP has battled accusations of tribalism—an image its members insist is undeserved. Loyalists are quick to tell anyone who cares to listen that theirs is a party founded on democratic ideals, inclusion, and justice. But politics, like reputation, is not about what one believes to be true; it’s about what others see and hear. And too often, what the public sees and hears from some self-proclaimed UDP supporters is intolerance, arrogance, and a disturbing sense of entitlement that undermines the party’s noble principles.

When perception begins to mirror reality, defending the indefensible becomes impossible. It’s like the story of a man accused of biting another’s finger during a fight. A witness for the prosecution takes the stand and the defence lawyer asks: “did you see my client bite off that man’s finger?” “No”, says the witness. “Aha” probes the smug lawyer, “How then could you be sure he did it?” Well, I did see him spit it out. 

The UDP remains home to some of the most capable and intellectually versatile individuals in Gambian politics—its human capital is unmatched. Yet, in public discourse, it is not these voices of reason and restraint that dominate. Instead, the loudest microphones often belong to the least reflective—the “opinion snipers” -who are more lethal than IDF Snipers- these people mistake hostility for loyalty and aggression for strength. Furthermore, these few have turned the party’s social spaces into echo chambers where dissent is branded betrayal, alternative views are viewed with suspicion of being a planted spy, and independent thought is punishable by social “boycott.”

In such an environment, the UDP risks alienating precisely the kind of thinkers it needs most—those who can help it evolve from a movement of grievance into a movement of governance.

In his soundtrack song, “Coming Harder” Reggae artist Everton Blender once sang, “To liberate yourself, you have to eliminate some.” The British Labour Party understood this lesson when it purged key figures—including former leader Jeremy Corbyn—to rid itself of the stench of antisemitism. Painful as it was, it was a political exorcism necessary for rebirth. If Labour could cut loose its own heavyweights, what has UDP got to lose by decisively distancing itself from those who cost it credibility, cohesion, and elections? 

Press releases calling for “decorum” no longer suffice. This is not a problem of general indiscipline—it is the behaviour of a few whose loudness amplifies smallness. A serious party cannot afford “attack dogs;” it needs thinkers, strategists, and communicators who can battle ideas with intellect, not insults.

Admittedly, the UDP is not alone in its shortcomings. The ruling National People’s Party (NPP) has its own share of bad-mannered loyalists whose politics seem defined more by sycophancy than service. But let’s resist the comfort of whataboutism. The UDP is not in government; it is the main opposition—and opposition carries the burden of hope. Competing with the NPP in a race to the bottom is like diving headfirst into a dry well. We have witnessed this time and time again. He who was the devil yesterday became an angel today, and he who was an angel yesterday becomes the devil today. All depending on which side one falls on, and we are all meant to accept and blindly agree to this logic too.

The tragedy of Gambian politics is not that we have bad leaders—it’s that we keep rewarding bad behaviour. When party leaders pose for photo-ops with individuals whose conduct is morally bankrupt, the message is one of endorsement. And when political opportunists are celebrated rather than censured, they multiply. As Warren Buffett famously said, “Only when the tide goes out do you discover who’s been swimming naked.”

We’ve seen the tide go out recently—and too many have been caught without the cover of principle. We saw this recently, when Sabally was exposed by the low tide and sadly he was not the only naked swimmer in the opposition. That’s not a victory for the NPP; it’s a tragedy for our democracy. The crisis of Gambian politics is not about ethnicity or ideology—it is about integrity. Until political parties, especially the UDP, sanitize their internal culture, our politics will remain a carnival of unprincipled men pretending to be patriots.

My brother once said there are three types of people you cannot advise: an arrogant rich man, a woman in love, and a UDP supporter. Perhaps it’s time the UDP proved him wrong—by showing that self-reflection, not defensiveness, is the true mark of maturity.

Because in the end, a party that cannot discipline itself cannot lead a nation.

You see, we should understand that a whole lot of people didn’t “vote” for Barrow and NPP in the 2021 elections, they just “voted against” Darboe and by extension UDP. 

“When perception becomes stronger than truth, reality ceases to matter—and politics becomes theatre for the blind.” 

Former Staff Sergeant Bobb's Rebuttal To Rtd. colonel Samsudeen Sarr

Rebuttal to Colonel Samsudeen Sarr’s Misrepresentation of the First Gambian ECOMOG Contingent

Former Gambia National Army Staff Sergeant Ebou Bobb has strongly refuted the recent claims made by retired Colonel Samsudeen Sarr regarding The Gambia’s first contingent to Liberia in 1990, describing them as false, misleading, and fabricated.

“With utmost respect to my brother and comrade, Colonel Sarr, I am both shocked and disappointed by your attempt to rewrite a history you were never part of. You were not on the ground with us in Liberia, and your version of events is based purely on hearsay. As someone who physically served in that mission as a Platoon Sergeant, I can confidently state that your account is factually wrong and misleading the Gambian people.

We did not fly into Liberia by C-130 or helicopter as you claim. We departed from Ghana aboard the ship Tano River and docked at the Liberian seaport under the protection of Prince Johnson’s faction. There were no jet fighters bombarding Charles Taylor’s rebels, as you alleged.

The two gallant soldiers we lost — L/Cpl Lamin Bojang, a medic, and Pte Sama Jawo, my platoon runner and radio operator — were not killed during the harbouring stage but a week after capturing the Freeport. At that time, Liberia had no electricity, no functioning airport, and no safe landing zone for any C-130. The tragic reality was that there was no possible means to transport their remains back home, which left us with no option but to bury them with dignity on Liberian soil.

Furthermore, your claim of any planned coup meeting in Liberia is baseless and false. Such discussions never took place. We were fully committed to our mission, motivated not by politics or personal gain, but by love for our country and pride in carrying The Gambia’s flag as one of the youngest and smallest contingents in the ECOMOG mission.

Colonel Sarr, I urge you to correct your narrative. True history must be preserved by those who lived it, not distorted for recognition or self-promotion. As soldiers, our service was for country first, and our sacrifices speak louder than any attempt to rewrite the record.”

Editorial:Will UDP Ever Win Presidential Elections?

   

The United Democratic Party (UDP), once considered the largest opposition force in The Gambia, has spent the past few years cultivating a political culture that does more harm than good to its image and chances at national leadership. From 2018 to date, the UDP’s approach—both on the ground and online—has been marked not by persuasion, policy, or principles, but by insults, intimidation, and name-calling.

Those who dare to disagree with UDP positions are not seen as fellow citizens exercising democratic rights but are instead branded as traitors, sellouts, or “less Gambian.” Critics are smeared with the most unimaginable accusations, their ethnicity weaponized, their loyalty questioned. The idea that belonging to a party automatically makes one a “true Mandinka” or a “real Gambian” has poisoned discourse and alienated large swathes of the electorate.

Instead of focusing on educating the people, mobilizing on the basis of the party’s manifesto, or proposing credible solutions to the country’s challenges, the UDP has wasted valuable time on personality attacks and empty rhetoric. Party defectors are insulted as “slaves” or accused of “eating vomit” simply for making political choices. This attitude ignores one fundamental reality of democracy: political support is fluid. No party can expect loyalty without accountability, and no party can grow by insulting those who leave.

This toxic politics has consequences. In 2021, the UDP suffered a humiliating defeat, despite boasting of being the strongest opposition. The reason is simple—politics is about winning hearts, not breaking spirits. It is about building coalitions, not burning bridges. It is about offering hope, not threats. And until the UDP recognizes that, it will continue to lose.

  

The old saying is true: there are no permanent friends in politics, only permanent interests. The electorate is not obliged to stand by anyone’s words just to prove loyalty. People support parties and leaders who reflect their aspirations, who show respect, and who can deliver progress. If the UDP fails to shift from divisive rhetoric to constructive politics, the question is not whether it can win, but whether it can even remain relevant in the years ahead.

Bombshell In UDP As Dr. Lamin J. Darbo Resigns from UDP, Citing “Principled Departure

By Jarranews Staff Reporter

Prominent legal scholar and political advocate Dr. Lamin J. Darbo has formally resigned from the United Democratic Party (UDP), citing what he described as a “principled departure” motivated by his commitment to democratic renewal and civic transformation in The Gambia.

In a letter addressed to the party’s Senior Administrative Secretary, Hon. Alhagie S. Darboe, Dr. Darbo outlined his reasons for stepping down, stressing that his political journey was never about personal ambition but about helping build a republic rooted in fairness, accountability, and good governance.

“The UDP’s role in resisting tyranny is well established, and I was honored to lend my voice and intellect to that struggle,” he wrote, recalling his involvement in strategy meetings with party leader Ousainu Darboe and his participation in legal defenses during the high-profile Solo Sandeng electoral reform trials.

However, Dr. Darbo said the party’s internal culture had become increasingly incompatible with his values. He criticized what he saw as a leadership style that “values loyalty over competence, silence over scrutiny, and expediency over principle.”

He also pointed to opaque internal processes, citing the 2021 flagbearer selection in which he was denied even an interview. “A party that cannot govern itself transparently cannot credibly promise and manage national transformation,” he declared.

Dr. Darbo emphasized that his resignation should not be seen as retreat but as a reaffirmation of his “higher civic mission.” He outlined a vision for The Gambia that includes transparent governance, zero tolerance for corruption, equitable access to education and healthcare, greater youth empowerment, and stronger engagement with the Gambian diaspora.

Addressing his colleagues and supporters within the UDP, Dr. Darbo expressed respect and solidarity, while urging the party to return to its founding values. “The UDP has immense potential to remain a vehicle of democratic renewal—but only if it returns to fairness and transparency,” he stated.

To the wider Gambian public, he reaffirmed his unwavering commitment to justice and national progress, concluding with an appeal for unity and dignity:

“May future generations inherit a worthy republic enshrined in the values of fairness and dignity—with malice toward none, with charity for all.”

REBUTTAL TO DISGRACED TOMBONG SAIDY

Here’s a sharp and uncompromising rebuttal to Tombong Saidy’s 

Tombong Saidy, before you parade yourself as a voice of moral authority, remind Gambians why you were disgracefully expelled from the United States — not for diplomacy, not for statesmanship, but for domestic violence. You carry the shame of a former Yahya Jammeh enabler who defended tyranny and fed off a dictatorship that brutalized Gambians for over two decades. You, of all people, are the least qualified to lecture anyone about leadership, responsibility, or morality.

Let’s dismantle your cheap propaganda point by point:

1. On UNGA Attendance

Is it compulsory for a Head of State to attend the UNGA every year? The answer is NO. Many times, Vice Presidents, Foreign Ministers, or other senior officials represent their countries. Did you conveniently forget that under Yahya Jammeh — the dictator you loyally served — Isatou Njie-Saidy, as Vice President, represented The Gambia at the UNGA on multiple occasions? Did you cry “failure of leadership” then? Or were you too busy polishing Jammeh’s boots and covering his crimes?

Even powerful nations such as China, Russia, and India have frequently sent Foreign Ministers or Vice Presidents to represent them. Presence at the UNGA is important, yes, but it is not a litmus test of leadership. The work of diplomacy extends far beyond one stage in New York.

2. On Palestine and Global Responsibility

Your hypocrisy is deafening. You pretend to care about Palestine today, yet you were a senior diplomat of Yahya Jammeh when he weaponized the Palestinian cause for cheap political clout while repressing Gambians at home. Spare us the crocodile tears. President Barrow’s government has already demonstrated concrete leadership on justice and human rights at the ICJ — something your Jammeh regime never dared because it was busy committing crimes against humanity.

3. On Leadership Legacy

You shamelessly invoke Sir Dawda Jawara’s legacy of statesmanship, but you forget that you betrayed everything Jawara stood for by serving a regime that overthrew him. You were part of the machinery that destroyed The Gambia’s global reputation, turned our embassies into dens of corruption, and reduced our passports to tools for drug traffickers and mercenaries. If you had any respect for Jawara’s diplomacy, you would start by apologizing to Gambians for being an accomplice to Jammeh’s 22-year reign of terror.

4. On Domestic Issues

You dare lecture President Barrow about the economy and leadership while ignoring the rot you and your fellow disgraced Jammeh loyalists left behind. You talk about “economic uncertainty” but forget the empty state coffers Jammeh fled with in 2017. You forget the institutional decay, the collapsed infrastructure, and the culture of fear your government entrenched. Barrow is rebuilding step by step, while you — disgraced and rejected — cling to cheap propaganda in hopes of relevance.

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Tombong, here is the truth:

Your arguments are misleading, misguided, and tainted with hypocrisy. President Barrow’s absence from one UNGA does not erase The Gambia’s voice on global justice, nor does it diminish his government’s ongoing commitment to international diplomacy. What it does expose, however, is your desperation to remain relevant after being discarded in disgrace.

Instead of spewing lies against President Barrow, you should focus on cleaning up the mess you left behind — and maybe, just maybe, finally atone for the shameful chapter you wrote in Gambian diplomacy.

The Gambian people have not forgotten who you are. And no amount of empty rhetoric will wash away your disgrace.

Finally. You better go and solve the mess you and your fellow vultures put Talib Ahmed Bensouda . How about the contracts Talib Ahmed Bensouda gave to you and others without delivering. Shame on You Old Boy.

By Yaya Dampha Coordinator NPP DIASPORA 

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EU Backs Fresh Drive to Boost “Made in Gambia” Brand

By Madi S. Njie

Banjul, September 19, 2025 – The European Union, through its Youth Empowerment Project (YEP), is stepping up efforts to put Gambian-made products on the global map, with a renewed focus on strengthening homegrown industries and widening export opportunities.

The initiative, managed by the International Trade Centre (ITC) under its Trade and Investment Policy Unit, is sharpening its priorities to make Gambian businesses more competitive, inclusive, and environmentally sustainable.

Over the past week, stakeholders gathered in Banjul for a series of workshops (September 16–19), where experts and policymakers examined reforms on regulations, intellectual property rights, and eco-friendly procurement. Follow-up sessions on investment facilitation are slated for September 22–23.

Five New Priority Areas

EU Trade Consultant Dev Chamroo, who co-facilitated the sessions, unveiled five focus areas:

1. Strengthening legal and regulatory frameworks.

2. Creating a more business-friendly environment.

3. Expanding access to domestic and international markets.

4. Rolling out nationwide advocacy campaigns.

5. Integrating ICT across industries.

He emphasized that with collaboration and the right policies, the Made in Gambia label could become a catalyst for job creation, stronger exports, and a renewed sense of national pride.

Target Sectors

The plan gives prominence to agro-processing (such as cereals, spices, and beverages), creative industries (including fashion, handicrafts, film, textiles, and music), and service sectors like tourism, fintech, and e-commerce. Women- and youth-led enterprises will remain central to the initiative.

Implementation will be spearheaded by the Ministry of Trade, Industry, Regional Integration and Employment (MoTIE), with the Gambia Investment and Export Promotion Agency (GIEPA) serving as the lead executing body.

Stakeholders’ Voices

At the gathering, Hassoum Ceesay, Director General of the National Centre for Arts and Culture (NCAC), underscored the importance of building capacity and ensuring existing laws are effectively enforced.

Meanwhile, procurement specialist Dr. Kamala Dawar urged the government to adopt Green Public Procurement (GPP) as a tool for both sustainable development and SME empowerment. She noted that in many developing countries, public procurement accounts for as much as 40 percent of GDP—making it a powerful lever to support climate action and inclusive growth.

Although The Gambia’s Public Procurement Act 2022 already embeds sustainability provisions, Dr. Dawar stressed that implementation must be reinforced through transparent systems, monitoring mechanisms, training, and targeted support for small businesses.

“Government spending has the power to reshape the economy and society,” she said. “The challenge is to ensure green procurement is binding, transparent, and inclusive.”