Iran: Internet deliberately shut down during November 2019 killings – new investigation By Amnesty International

 

The Iranian authorities deliberately shut down the internet during nationwide protests in November 2019, hiding the true scale of unlawful killings by security forces, Amnesty International said today.

On the anniversary of the deadliest day of the protests, Amnesty International is launching a new microsite, A web of impunity: The killings Iran’s internet shutdown hid, documenting how the lethal crackdown that left at least 304 people dead was hidden from the world.

“When news of the deadly crackdown began to emerge from Iran last November, the world was shocked by the brutal violence of the security forces. The authorities deliberately blocked internet access inside Iran, hiding the true extent of the horrendous human rights violations that they were carrying out across the country,” said Diana Eltahawy, Deputy Regional Director for the Middle East and North Africa at Amnesty International.

“The government thought they could silence the population by taking the country offline, but the Iranian people were determined to tell the world the truth. Our new website is a tribute to the courage of everyone who captured on camera the scenes of violence that the authorities wanted to keep hidden.”

The authorities deliberately blocked internet access inside Iran, hiding the true extent of the horrendous human rights violations that they were carrying out across the country

Diana Eltahawy

The microsite – a joint investigation between Amnesty International and The Hertie School, in partnership with the Internet Outage Detection and Analysis (IODA) project – features more than 100 verified videos from 31 cities, and reveals the repeated use of firearms, water cannons and tear gas by Iran’s security forces against unarmed protesters and bystanders.

To date, no one has been criminally investigated or held accountable for the killings. Amnesty International is again calling on member states of the United Nations Human Rights Council to mandate an inquiry into the unlawful killings to ensure those responsible for ordering, planning and carrying out the crimes are brought to justice in fair trials.

Protest crackdown and internet blackout

On 15 November 2019, protests erupted across Iran following a government announcement of a significant increase in the price of fuel. During the five days of protests that followed, security forces killed at least 304 men, women and children. The victims were mostly killed with shots to the head or torso, indicating security forces were operating a shoot-to-kill policy. The real number of deaths is believed to be much higher, but the ongoing cover-up by Iranian authorities means the true death toll may never be known.

On 16 November, authorities started to shut down the country’s internet. Amnesty International’s research shows that day was also the deadliest of the protests, with at least 100 protesters and bystanders killed.

As protests intensified, the Iranian authorities implemented a near-total internet blackout by ordering different internet service providers (ISPs) to shut down. IODA observed steady drops in signals, which started when cellular operators were ordered to disconnect around 2pm local time on 16 November. By 7pm, Iran had descended into digital darkness.

Iran’s domestic internet remained online, allowing activities such as government services and banking to continue, which minimized financial losses in the country’s economy. It was only around five days later, at approximately 10am on 21 November, that internet access began to be restored. It did not completely return until 27 November.

Internet shutdowns and human rights

A shutdown happens when a state or another actor intentionally disrupts the internet for a specific population, or within a specific region. Shutdowns take a variety of forms. Authorities may slow down the internet to make access difficult, or they may order ISPs to shut down services completely.

The UN Human Rights Committee has declared that “states…must not block or hinder internet connectivity in relation to peaceful assemblies”. However, many states have increasingly used internet shutdowns as a tool to stifle or silence dissent in recent years, particularly when faced with protests or uprisings.

Access to the internet is essential to protect human rights, especially in times of protest

Sam Dubberley

Since the November 2019 protests, internet access in Iran has been disrupted on several occasions during further protests. Organizing peaceful protests, speaking openly against state policies, and documenting human rights violations all heavily rely on the ability to access the internet, and are protected under international human rights law.

Today, Amnesty International is also joining the #KeepItOn coalition, a partnership of more than 220 organizations campaigning against internet shutdowns.

“Access to the internet is essential to protect human rights, especially in times of protest. The Iranian authorities must commit to never again taking the country offline, and must respect the right to peaceful protest,” said Sam Dubberley, Head of Amnesty International’s Crisis Evidence Lab. 

Uncovering the hidden killings

Amnesty International first documented the use of lethal force against protesters in the days after the crackdown began, and recorded the details of at least 304 people killed in an investigation published in May 2020.

The organization verified the deaths by collating evidence from videos and photographs, death and burial certificates, accounts from eyewitnesses, victims’ relatives, and friends and acquaintances on the ground, as well as information collected by human rights activists and journalists.

Further research by Amnesty International’s Digital Verification Corps found that in the vast majority of cases across the country, there was no evidence that protesters posed an imminent threat to life or threat of serious injury. As such, the intentional lethal use of firearms by the authorities was completely unwarranted and unlawful.

Key data that Amnesty International has gathered is published on the microsite, including pictures of victims and details related to their cause and place of death, and can be downloaded in both English and Farsi.

Amnesty International is again calling on the Iranian authorities to ensure that independent and impartial criminal investigations are conducted into every death during the November 2019 protests, as the first step towards ending impunity. 

The Tunisian authorities must immediately stop exploiting largely outdated, overly broad and repressive laws to prosecute individuals for exercising their right to freedom of expression online, said Amnesty International in a detailed briefing and campaign launched today.

Amnesty International found that at least 40 bloggers, administrators of widely followed Facebook pages, political activists and human rights defenders have faced criminal prosecution between 2018 and 2020 simply for publishing online posts critical of local authorities, the police or other state officials. 

       It is extremely disturbing to see bloggers and activists being targeted with criminal prosecutions under laws that date back to the time of repression in Tunisia ten years after the revolution, for simply posting their views on Facebook. Instead of trying to muzzle criticism, the Tunisian authorities should uphold the right of each and every person to express themselves freely and safely without fear of reprisals,” said Amna Guellali, Amnesty International's Deputy Regional Director for the Middle East and North Africa.

“These prosecutions threaten the human rights progress made so far in Tunisia where the right to freedom of expression is a hard-won value of the revolution. We call upon the legislative authorities to prioritize reforming all largely outdated and overly broad laws that allow repression to prevent further backsliding and to fully comply with Tunisia’s obligations to uphold the right to freedom of expression.”

While most of these cases did not lead to a prison sentence, the summons for interrogation, the indictments and the trials themselves on charges that carry prison sentences amount to harassment and intimidation of people who express critical opinions about a public official and will have a chilling effect. 

GUINEA: ACTIVIST ONCE AGAIN DETAINED ON BOGUS CHARGES: OUMAR SYLLA

 One month after his release, pro-democracy activist Oumar Sylla, alias Foniké Mengué, has once again been arrested and arbitrarily detained. He was riding a motorbike with a friend to mobilize protesters on 29 September when he was arrested by police officers in plain clothing in Matoto municipality in the Guinean capital, Conakry. He refused to follow the police officers on account that they failed to present an arrest warrant. Nevertheless, they brutally carried out his arrest which resulted in him sustaining injuries to his hand and finger. He has since been held in Conakry prison on fabricated charges. Oumar Sylla is a prisoner of conscience who must be immediately and unconditionally released.

VIET NAM: WOMAN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDER AT RISK OF TORTURE: PHAM THI DOAN TRANG

 Woman human rights defender Pham Thi Doan Trang was arrested on 6 October 2020 for her peaceful activism. Facing up to 20 years in prison, she is currently being held incommunicado and is at grave risk of torture. A published author, journalist and organizer, Doan Trang has struggled tirelessly to promote human rights and has inspired a generation of activists in Viet Nam. In recent years, Doan Trang has been subjected to repeated harassment, intimation and attacks, including incidents of gender-based violence, arbitrary detention, and assault. The Vietnamese authorities must release Pham Thi Doan Trang immediately and unconditionally as she is a prisoner of conscience.

SHIFTING OF A PLAUSIBLE NARRATIVE

                                       

Weeks and days leading towards the by-elections in Niamina and Kerr Jarga, most social media political pundits were conclusive that an inevitable victory was GDC’s resting the logic and reasoning on the constituents been “GDC strong bases”. Others even ran to the marketplace merchandising incumbency as irrelevant due to “time has changed” in new Gambia and we are no longer in a dictatorship. Absolutely, President Barrow is not a dictator.

Realistically, the results projected such political pundits as lesser political prophets will little mastery of political pollstery. To downplay the new political narrative factored by the results for NPP a party yet to be inaugurated smashing an established contender on its strongest base supported by the biggest political party would jolt any matured and seasoned political pundit. Naturally, most fallen heroes from grace to amazing disgrace fish for reasons to justify their fall hence the references to “use of state resources and civil servants” by NPP in securing its resounding double victories. To those people I wish them good luck in their crusade to understand politics particularly African countries. At least one thing which has not surfaced in all the commentaries dissecting how NPP snatched the must-win by-elections from GDC supported by UDP is the ethnocentic card. In fact, it is refreshing to accentuate it was observed in some quarters, most of the current political parties, it is only NPP which is yet to be packed on a tribal box. For instance tagging it as either a wolof, mandinka or fula party. Jesus is lord.

The fundamental question is how did NPP leveled GDC and UDP flat on their faces in the Niamina and Kerr Jarga by-elections? Owlishly, it will be contended that oh no it was not a contest between UDP and NPP. Safe your breathe. Assuming NPP lost miserably, what would have been the narrative? To comprehend what factored NPP’s double victory one must put our political demography under a microscope. Albeit some political scholars have attempted to demarcate a boundary between rural and urban constituents voting pattern, it remains true that African politics is largely desks on ethno politics, incumbency, politics of individual and patronage.

From the moment, the Niamina seat became vacant due to the untimely demise of its sitting MP, NPP sets it eyes on the seat. NPP been alert to the proverbial of election is not won on election day, began marshalling support through its political entrepreneurs who know the inside out of the constituency. In a nutshell, NPP employed a people approach style to resonate with the people of Niamina and it paid dividends. Most importantly, the primary to select candidate was conducted in such a way that those who lost did not perceive it as a rejection from the party. They stayed and equally contributed to the winning of the seat as opposed to one of the GDC primary contender who migrated with his supporters to NPP. Another element of the people centred approach was resonating the people’s needs and the presence of means to realised those needs. Here, the incumbency comes to play a pivotal role. Generally, most electorates tend to lean towards the believe that it is only a party of a sitting government that can uplift their livelihoods by ushering in development such as road networks, water and electricity. As such, they readily galvanise support for the incumbency instead of the opposition often viewed as co-hustlers. What became apparent during the entire campaign period was electorates repeated call for development projects. The Barrow government has been spreading road network projects across the length and breadth of the Gambia. So it was not difficult for the NPP to cite such to reinforce their promises on delivering such demands from the electorates. Fortunately, the ethno political card never became a necessity during the campaign.

Psychologically, the NPP had established itself as a political entity to be reckoned with and if it maintains the momentum, further augments its strategy, fulfills it campaign promises, seen in leading the fight against corruption 2021 presidential election will be another joyous victory for NPP and Barrow.

Sulayman Jeng
UK

Investigation reveals evidence that scores of civilians were killed in massacre in Tigray state

Ethiopia: Investigation reveals evidence that scores of civilians were killed in massacre in Tigray state

Amnesty International can today confirm that scores, and likely hundreds, of people were stabbed or hacked to death in Mai-Kadra (May Cadera) town in the South West Zone of Ethiopia’s Tigray Region on the night of 9 November.

The organization’s Crisis Evidence Lab has examined and digitally verified gruesome photographs and videos of bodies strewn across the town or being carried away on stretchers. It confirmed the images were recent and using satellite imagery, geolocated them to Mai-Kadra in western Tigray state (14.071008, 36.564681).

“We have confirmed the massacre of a very large number of civilians, who appear to have been day labourers in no way involved in the ongoing military offensive. This is a horrific tragedy whose true extent only time will tell as communication in Tigray remains shut down,” said Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa.

We have confirmed the massacre of a very large number of civilians, who appear to have been day labourers in no way involved in the ongoing military offensive. This is a horrific tragedy whose true extent only time will tell as communication in Tigray remains shut down.

Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa

“The government must restore all communication to Tigray as an act of accountability and transparency for its military operations in the region, as well as ensure unfettered access to humanitarian organizations and human rights monitors. Amnesty International will regardless continue to use all means available to document and expose violations by all parties to the conflict.”

The organization has also spoken to witnesses, who were providing food and other supplies to the Ethiopian Defense Forces (EDF), who visited the town immediately after the deadly attack, on the morning of 10 November, to find dead bodies strewn all over the town, as well as injured survivors.

Most of the dead bodies were found in the tow​n centre, near the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia, and along a road that exits to the neighbouring Humera town, according to the witnesses and verified images.

People who saw the dead bodies told Amnesty International that they had gaping wounds that appear to have been inflicted by sharp weapons such as knives and machetes, reports which have been confirmed by an independent pathologist commissioned by Amnesty International. Witnesses said there were no signs of gunshot wounds.

The witnesses said that together with the EDF soldiers, they found some wounded people among the dead and took them to nearby hospitals in Abreha-Jira and Gondar, before removing dead bodies from the streets.

“Those wounded told me they were attacked with machetes, axes and knives. You can also tell from the wounds that those who died were attacked by sharp objects. It is horrible and I am really sad that I witnessed this in my life,” one distraught witness said.

‘Soaked in blood'

Amnesty International has not yet been able to confirm who was responsible for the killings, but has spoken to witnesses who said forces loyal to the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) were responsible for the mass killings, apparently after they suffered defeat from the federal EDF forces.

Three people told Amnesty International that survivors of the massacre told them that they were attacked by members of Tigray Special Police Force and other TPLF members.

“There was a military operation by the EDF and Amhara Special Force against the Tigray Special Police and militia at a place called Lugdi during the daytime on 9 November. After they defeated the Tigray forces, the EDF spent the night on the outskirts of Mai-Kadra town. When we entered, we saw a lot of dead bodies, soaked in blood, on the streets and rental dormitories frequented by seasonal workers. The view was really debasing, and I am still in shock struggling to cope with the experience,” a civilian who entered the town after it was retaken by EDF told Amnesty International.

When we entered the town, what we saw was devastating. The roads were strewn with dead bodies especially in the centre of the town, and on the road the connects the town to Humera.

Civilian who witnessed the aftermath of the massacre

This was corroborated by another who said: “We went to the town immediately after the army and the Amhara Special Force took control of Mai-Kadra town on 10 November around 10 am. The army entered … after encircling the town overnight. There was no exchange of fire for the army to take over the town. But when we entered the town, what we saw was devastating. The roads were strewn with dead bodies especially in the centre of the town, and on the road the connects the town to Humera.”

“The Ethiopian authorities must immediately, thoroughly, impartially and effectively investigate this blatant attack on civilians and bring those responsible to justice in fair trials,” said Deprose Muchena.

“TPLF commanders and officials must make clear to their forces and their supporters that deliberate attacks on civilians are absolutely prohibited and constitute war crimes. All parties in the Tigray conflict must ensure full respect for international humanitarian law and human rights law in their operations.  The safety and protection of civilians must be paramount.”

While the official death toll in Mai-Kadra is not yet known, the Amhara regional government’s media agency AMMA reported there were around 500 victims, adding that they were primarily non-Tigrayan residents of the town. A man who is helping to clear the bodies from the streets told Amnesty International that he had looked at the state-issued identification cards of some victims, and most were Amhara.

Background

On 4 November 2020, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed ordered the Ethiopian Defence Forces (EDF) to militarily engage with the Tigray Regional Paramilitary Police and militia loyal to the Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) in what he stated was a response to multiple attacks by the Tigray security forces on the EDF North Command base in Mekelle and other military camps in Tigray Region.

Since the start of the conflict, there have been armed confrontations between federal forces (Federal Army, Amhara Region’s Special Force Police and Amhara local militia) on one side and the Tigray regional forces (Tigray Special Force Police and militia) on the other side

The Ministry of Defence and the Prime Minister have announced that Ethiopian Air Force planes carried out multiple air strikes against TPLF military installations. The Prime Minister and the Army Chief of Staff pledged to continue air strikes on selected targets without endangering civilian life, advising residents to stay away from ammunition depots and other military targets. 

According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), as of 11 November, some 7,000 refugees had fled western Tigray state into neighbouring Sudan.

France is not the free-speech champion it says it is

                              

The horrific murder of Samuel Paty, the French teacher who showed cartoons of the Prophet Mohammed in a class on freedom of expression, sent shockwaves throughout France. It also forced a difficult conversation about freedom of speech and who has the right to exercise it. 

President Emmanuel Macron and his government responded to the killing by proclaiming their support for freedom of expression. But they have also doubled down on their perpetual smear campaign against French Muslims, and launched their own attack on freedom of expression. Last week, for example, French police interviewed four 10-year-old children for hours on suspicion of ‘apology of terrorism’ they apparently questioned Paty’s choice to show the cartoons.

The horrific murder of Samuel Paty has forced a difficult conversation about freedom of speech and who has the right to exercise it

The French government is not the champion of free speech that it likes to think it is. In 2019, a court convicted two men for ‘contempt’ after they burnt an effigy depicting President Macron during a peaceful protest. Parliament is currently discussing a new law that criminalizes the use of images of law enforcement officials on social media. It is hard to square this with the French authorities’ vigorous defence of the right to depict the Prophet Mohammed in cartoons.

The right to freedom of expression includes opinions that might disturb, offend or shock, and depictions of the Prophet Mohammed are protected under this. No one should fear violence or harassment for reproducing or publishing such images.

But those who do not agree with publishing the cartoons also have the right to voice their concerns. The right to freedom of expression also protects the ability to criticize the choice to depict religions in ways that may be perceived as stereotypical or offensive. Being opposed to the cartoons does not make one a ‘separatist’, a bigot or an ‘islamist’.

While the right to express opinion or views that may be perceived as offending religious beliefs is strenuously defended, Muslims’ freedoms of expression and religion usually receive scant attention in France under the disguise of Republican universalism. In the name of secularism, or laïcité, Muslims in France cannot wear religious symbols or dress in schools or in public sector jobs.

The French government’s rhetoric on free speech is not enough to conceal its own shameless hypocrisy

France’s record on freedom of expression in other areas is just as bleak. Thousands of people are convicted every year for “contempt of public officials”, a vaguely defined criminal offence that law enforcement and judicial authorities have applied in massive numbers to silence peaceful dissent. In June this year, the European Court of Human Rights found that the convictions of 11 activists in France for campaigning for a boycott of Israeli products violated their free speech.

The murder of Samuel Paty has also prompted actions by the French authorities which recall the state of emergency that followed the 2015 Paris attacks. Beginning in 2015, parliament-approved exceptional measures under the state of emergency led to thousands of abusive and discriminatory raids and house arrest targeting Muslims.

In a disturbing sign of history repeating itself, the French government is now in the process of dissolving organizations and closing mosques, on the basis of the ambiguous concept of 'radicalization'. Throughout the state of emergency, ‘radicalization’ was often used as a euphemism for ‘devout Muslim’.

Gérald Darmanin, the Minister of Interior, has also announced his intention to dissolve the Collective Against Islamophobia in France (CCIF), an organization that combats discrimination against Muslims. He has described the CCIF as ‘an enemy of the Republic’ and a ‘back room of terrorism’. The Minister has not produced any evidence that could substantiate his claims.

In a video published on social media, one of the parents who opposed Paty’s choice to show the cartoons suggested reporting similar ‘discriminatory acts’ to the CCIF, and got in touch with the organizations. The French authorities have failed to join the dots between this kind of community work and the notion that the CCIF has had any role in promoting violence or ‘separatism’.  

The murder of Samuel Paty has also prompted actions by the French authorities which recall the state of emergency that followed the 2015 Paris attacks

A couple of days after the murder, Darmanin voiced his intention to expel 231 foreigners who were suspected of ‘radicalization’ and threatening national security. The authorities then proceeded to carry out 16 expulsions to countries such as Algeria, Morocco, Russia and Tunisia where Amnesty International has documented the use of torture, particularly for persons labelled as threats to national security.

While many in the US and abroad have hopes for the Biden/Harris administration to tackle entrenched racism, the French Ministry of Education has also engaged in a cultural war against multiculturalism and critical race approaches. It has argued that attempts to tackle entrenched racism are based on ideas ‘imported from the US’ and that they are a fertile ground for ‘separatism and extremism’. But it is not extremist to note that Muslims and other minorities are victims of racism in France. It is factual, and to say so is a right protected by freedom of expression.

The French government’s rhetoric on free speech is not enough to conceal its own shameless hypocrisy. Freedom of expression means nothing unless it applies to everyone. The government’s free speech campaign should not be used for covering up the measures that put people at risk of human rights abuses including torture.

This article was first published here by Newsweek